Archive for the ‘Ethiopian News’ Category

The story of the International Criminal Court – must watch

Wednesday, August 5th, 2009

A PBS documentary film “The Reckoning” follows International Criminal Court prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo and his team for three years as he issues arrest warrants in Uganda, puts Congolese warlords on trial, shakes up the Colombian justice system and charges Sudan’s President Omar al-Bashir with genocide in Darfur. Will the prosecutor succeed? Will justice prevail?

Click below to watch
The story of the International Criminal Court

OLF army making stride against Woyanne

Wednesday, August 5th, 2009

The Oromo Liberation Front-Change (also known as OLF-C) under the leadership of Generals Kemal Gelchu and Hailu Gonfa is making a stride in its military operation against the Woyanne tribal junta. NTV airs a special documentary about OLF operations inside Ethiopia this month. The following video is a promo of the documentary.

Ethiopia's tribal junta deports 15 U.S. students

Wednesday, August 5th, 2009

By David Arnold | VOA

The federal government of fascist tribal junta in Ethiopia deported 15 American students who were teaching English in small, rural communities in eastern Hararghe region of Oromiya for several weeks.

They had been volunteering in several communities not far from the Ogaden and an off-limits region of Ethiopia where government Woyanne junta forces are battling Ogaden National Liberation Front rebel forces. The trip was organized by Learning Enterprises International in Stanford, California. This was the third year the project had been in operation.

Police performed a synchronized dawn raid of homes in HaraMaya, Awwadaay, Gobboo and Dadar on July 9, questioned them for the day, confiscating their cell phones and cameras and taking them to Addis. According to sources, at various times police accused the students of taking photographs, of asking questions about the disputed 2005 national elections and the coming 2010 elections, and of being in the country with improper visas. Community residents asking about the reason for the detentions were later told the students had the H1N1 virus.

The students were detained for two days and were not allowed to contact their families or the U.S. embassy. Embassy officials were unable to see them until shortly before federal officials put them on a plane and deported them on July 11.One of the students was held several extra days. An embassy spokesman said they have raised serious concerns about the handling of this case with the Government of Ethiopia, specifically regarding the refusal by Ethiopian security forces to permit these American citizens to contact the embassy. The embassy will continue discussions with the Ethiopian Government on the exact nature of the events.

State Minister for Government Communications Shimelis Kemal told VOA’s Eskinder Firew only that the students were involved in inappropriate activity “contrary to their mission.” None were charged with any violations of the law.

60 million birr stolen from Ethiopian Orthodox church account

Wednesday, August 5th, 2009

Jimma Times reports that at least 60 million birr is missing from Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahdo Church’s bank accounts. A member of the Church’s governing body, the Holy Synod, who asked to remain anonymous for fear of reprisals, told local journalists the missing money is one of the sources of recent disputes inside the church’s top leadership… [read more]

Beyond shame – the madness of Aiga Forum

Wednesday, August 5th, 2009

By Yilma Bekele

“The misguided extremist Diasporas have been cheering up for the last couple of days. You know why? Hillary Clinton will not visit Ethiopia during her trip to Africa. Hmm! Who cares if the N**** administration ignores Ethiopia?!” Aigaforum.com

U.S Secretary of State Hillary Clinton is visiting Africa. She is on a seven-nation tour that includes Kenya, South Africa, Angola, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Nigeria, Liberia and Cape Verde. If you notice Ethiopia is not included. Why isn’t Ethiopia included is a good question.

Ethiopia is the seat of African Union. Ethiopia is the second most populated country in Africa. Ethiopia is one of the oldest Nation State in the world. Ethiopia is known for staying independent while most of the planet was colonized by European powers.

We Ethiopians were sad when President Obama choose Ghana as his first stop to showcase his commitment to democracy and the rule of law on our continent. We were happy for Ghana; nevertheless we were disappointed we were not accorded such honor. His Secretary of State bypassed our old kingdom and choose Kenya as the first leg of her African tour.

It is not just another humiliation to be shrugged off. We feel slighted. In diplomatic circles it is seen as a major put down. It is a loud and clear statement by President Obama’s administration that our country is not worthy of positive attention.

The reason Ethiopia is totally ignored is not because our country is not important in both continental and international affairs. It is not because we are poor and backward. It is not because we are not strong. The only reason we are considered not worthy of attention is because we have a government structure that is undemocratic, illegal and seen as a pariah in civilized circles.

The TPLF regime is the reason for our humiliation. Both President Obama and his Secretary of State were not willing to be seen associating with a dictatorial regime. They were not willing to bestow such honor on a regime that views it s citizens as sub humans to be bullied and abused.

How did the regime responded to such a loud statement by the US government? Did the TPLF regime saw the slight as an opportunity to question their policy on human rights and good governance? Did it make them pause and see the wrong road they are traveling? Was it a cause of discussion among the ruling party to see what can be done to remedy the ugly situation?

None of the above is the answer. The mouth piece of the TPLF regime choose to sink so law that it is even shameful to repeat what was said and written. It is unspeakable. TPLF is Aiga Forum. Aiga Forum is TPLF. What Aiga Forum published on it website is beyond reprehensible. It is ugly and it is not Ethiopian. I repeat it with sadness and a very heavy heart. I quote Aiga Forum because all civilized people should see TPLF’s ugliness. The Ethiopian people have been the recipient of such verbal and physical humiliation by the TPLF regime for the last eighteen years. Following is what Aiga Forum published on its web site.

“The misguided extremist Diasporas have been cheering up for the last couple of days. You know why? Hillary Clinton will not visit Ethiopia during her trip to Africa. Hmm! Who cares if the N**** administration ignores Ethiopia?!” Aigaforum.com

To use such ugly and despicable term to describe the President of the United States is madness in its extreme state. To describe a universally loved, respected administration as such is beyond insanity. To use that word on a fellow black person is incomprehensible. Even to think in such terms about the leader of the free world is very sick. It is a loaded word that has been used as a putdown on our African American brethren.

We Ethiopians are not cheering Mrs. Clinton’s non-visit to our homeland. We are saddened. We know how to differentiate between our dear nation and the government. We are torn between our love for our homeland and the ramifications of a visit that will bestow legitimacy on an illegal regime.

The publishers of Aiga Forum and their cousins in Ethiopia are so used to insulting us, putting us down and humiliating us that they thought nothing of it when they heaped their insult on our brother. We might be cruel with each other, we might have gone astray the last few years and done some shameful things to each other but we want the world to know that we are god fearing, neighbor loving and loyal people. We are saddened, ashamed and deeply disturbed by the sick statement uttered by our fellow Ethiopians. We wish it was never said, but we want the world to understand what our country is going thru at this very moment under the tyranny of the TPLF regime. We ask for forgiveness.

EPPF makes a call on Ethiopians in DC

Tuesday, August 4th, 2009

The executive committee of Ethiopian People’s Patriotic Front (EPPF) issued a statement from its field office today urging Ethiopians in the Washington DC area to attend the town hall meeting organized for this coming Sunday, August 9. (Click here for more info.)

According to the EPPF Washington DC Chapter, the August 9 meeting will discuss the organization’s objectives, current activities, cooperation with other opposition parties, and the developing relationship between Ethiopians and Eritreans.

The EPPF statement, which is posted on its official web site, www.eppfOnline.org, also clarifies some issues such its organizational structure abroad.

How to Break the Silence on Genocide and Tyranny in Ethiopia

Monday, August 3rd, 2009

By Obang Metho

On July 26, 2009 the SMNE held a forum in Washington D.C. on the topic: Breaking the Silence on Genocide, Tyranny and Dictatorship in Ethiopia. In Ethiopia today, the people have been silenced by the government, but the atrocities, the repression and the harsh authoritarian rule continue despite the many efforts of Ethiopians in the Diaspora.

Admittedly, we Ethiopians in the Diaspora have not been as effective as we could be in collaborating with each other, but the problem is worsened due to the foreign policies of some western countries who have aligned themselves with “our” dictator rather than with “our” people. Additionally, the media has not covered this story as closely as similar cases in other countries who are “out of favor” like Zimbabwe, Iran and Venezuela.

The question that was at the heart of the presentation by each speaker was:

“How can we expose the true nature of the Meles regime to such excruciating public scrutiny that the public and our government becomes outraged enough to demand that any previous support for this regime transfers to the people?”

Ethiopia can be compared to a patient from the past who is going through surgery with just enough anesthetic to make them unable to communicate, but not enough to stop the pain. Those who are in a position to help, do not, because they are unaware of the acute pain of the patient.
Just like the patient, the people in Ethiopia have no voice; yet, they are in acute distress and no one seems to recognize the severity of their pain. If they speak up, they end up in jail, so many will not take the risk. The purpose of this forum was to bring some experts together to guide us in finding more effective ways to “break the silence!”

On the other hand, the Meles regime understands the power of information and is doing all they can think of to suppress information.  A video was shown regarding such efforts by the current government. We know that they bribe, threaten and intimidate people to remain silent. They underhandedly attempt to divide groups; infiltrating organizations, ethnic communities, political parties and religious groups in order to stir up inner conflicts resulting in limiting the  effectiveness of these groups.

Unfortunately this tactic has found far too fertile ground in which to plant the seeds of destruction—a serious problem of ours. They have also blocked the media and communication system; even cell phone usage and the Internet. They repeatedly produce propaganda; lying, deceiving and purposefully misleading the people and outsiders as well. They have denied committing genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes, but at the forum, a video clip of the Anuak genocide gave visual evidence.

Dr. Stanton: Perpetrators of Genocide are Serial Killers Who Will Kill More if Not Stopped
Dr. Greg Stanton spoke on why the massacre of the Anuak met the definition of genocide. Along with a number of other reasons, he explained that in the case of the Anuak genocide, only one ethnic group, the Anuak, were targeted.  He elaborated by saying that there are those who commit genocide and also incite others to do so; leading these others to believe they can get away with it. These instigators are serial killers who will go on to kill again because they basically have no remorse or respect for human life. He explained that the characteristics of these genocidal perpetrators are the same whether you look at those implicated in the Armenian genocide, the Holocaust, in Yugoslavia, Cambodia or in Rwanda.

In the case of the Anuak, they were killed by the same Ethiopian government that had repeatedly been killing since 1991. If you look at the list of incidents, it shows a pattern of serial killing, not only in Gambella, which may be one of the best documented cases, but also in the Ogaden, in Awassa, Oromia, Tepi, Addis Ababa and a series of other locales and people. When looked at as a whole, it is easy to see the pattern emerge of incidents that fit the definition of genocide and crimes against humanity.

What needs to be done now is to expose them and to continue to gather the evidence of what was done.   Once documented, we should expose the evidence; identifying who was involved, who gave the orders, who was behind it and who committed the crimes because once you have the information, it is only a matter of time before the perpetrator will be brought to justice. They might be brought to the International Criminal Court (ICC) or if the government changes, to an Ethiopian tribunal, but Stanton said, these people will someday stand before a court of law and find themselves accountable for these people they killed, as long as others document it and know who the perpetrators are that were involved.  For example, if Meles is proven to be one of them who ordered these killings, he will be prosecuted along with the rest of them within his regime.

Video Clip: The Unchanging Harvest of Dictatorship
A video clip of starving Ethiopians, including children, was shown. The children in the short film could hardly move due to being so weak and emaciated from obvious starvation. It was heart-breaking to watch. When the video ended, I asked the audience about these suffering children before revealing to them that this was a clip from 1985 of starving Tigrayan children. At the time, Meles had accused Mengistu of starving his Tigrayan ethnic group; but now, Meles is accused of intentionally starving the Ogadenis and other Ethiopians! Who will be next?  How can this cycle be broken? Yesterday it was the Tigrayans; but today, the Meles loyalists from the TPLF are in power and doing the same to others. This clip came from Bob Geldorf’s website and can be viewed there. See what you think!

Ahmed Hussein: The SMNE was Formed to Stop This Cycle!
Ato Hussein, a member of the SMNE, explained what the SMNE was and why it was formed; elaborating that if we are to break this cycle of abuse and killing of each other, we have to start by changing ourselves.

He talked about the importance of living by the principles of putting humanity before ethnicity or any other difference and of realizing that no one will be free until all are free. He said that if there was an institution or government that put humanity first in 1985, the Tigrayans would never have starved like they did, preparing them to do the same today to Ethiopians within other ethnic groups. If these principles would have been carried out over the years of the last regimes, there would never have been a TPLF, an EPLF, an OLF,  an ONLF, a GPLF, an BPLF, ALF or any other liberation front that emerged out of the injustices perpetrated against them.  They were all created as a result of a broken, feudal-based system that devalued and abused others.

In other words, we have been living under a belief that leads to our own mutual destruction and it is this belief that is threatening our survival. When we say that only “I” and my ethnic group or region can be free, we are in trouble. Liberation fronts were formed because no one else cared about “others,” but can only an Oromo free another Oromo? Can only an Amhara free other Amhara or an Anuak free an Anuak?  Can’t a Tigrayan help free an Afar and the people of Benishangul-Gumuz free a Southerner?

This broken system is why the SMNE was created to say: “Until all of us are free, none of us are free!” This is why Ato Hussein said he joined the SMNE—because he believed if these principles were lived out in the lives of our leaders and citizenry, Ethiopia could become a healthy society and find a lasting solution to breaking this cycle. To him, as an Oromo, he said he felt that until all Ethiopians are free, none will be free; until justice come to all Ethiopian, justice will never come to the Oromo or anyone else. The survival of everybody depends on all of us, like the way it is basically done in America. He explained that this was why he believes in this movement and felt it was his duty to share these principles with others.

Lemlem Tsegaw: Corruption is just as bad as human rights abuses!
Ms Lemlem Tsegaw stimulated much thought when she said, “Corruption is just as bad as human rights abuse. It is killing the country.” She went on to explain that when a few dominate over everyone else through corruption, it is about survival!  She analyzed this statement based on the MO Ibrahim Index.

She said, “If you don’t have food to eat, you won’t have energy to fight for your rights—good governance does not even come into your mind. Corruption leads the people to struggle for food, clean water, shelter and basic ways to live. Corruption shows a lack of sympathy for other people and a lack of morality. It allows a few to take all they want, robbing the country of its resources; thriving and living high, while the rest of the people are dying at the bottom. In order to save peoples’ lives, it is ‘a must’ to fight this battle against corruption. A few take everything and most get nothing. Without having any resources and struggling for daily survival, there is no way to fight back.

“Corruption in Ethiopia is a microcosm of what it is going on all over Africa. If there were good governance, the rule of law, safety and security, sustainable development, transparency and accountability in Ethiopia instead of pervasive corruption, the Ethiopian people would be able to feed themselves. The reason why Africa is not moving forward is corruption!

Following her talk, a PowerPoint presentation with four different pictures was shown. The first picture was of a young woman, Neda Soltani, killed in Iran during the election protests.

She was born in 1982 and died in 2009. The story was all over the media, who were all outraged over the incident. Even the president talked about her death and coverage continued for the next 24 hours. Almost all in the audience had seen her picture.

The next slide was of a young Ethiopian woman, Shibire Desalegne, born in 1984 and was killed in 2005 in Addis Ababa during the election protests.

I asked how many present had seen her picture in the western media. No one in the room raised their hand even though the cause of her death was the same—a repressive government who killed someone for peacefully protesting.

The next person shown was imprisoned BurmesedemocracyleaderAung San Suu Kyi, the opposition leader who has been imprisoned for years. Many in the audience had seen her picture in the media a number of times. Then a picture of Birtukan Mideksa was shown and I asked the same question as to how many had seen her picture in the western media, but none in the audience had.

These women all had something in common, but the way they have been covered in the world is totally different. We Ethiopians have to take some responsibility for this because in order to free us and our people, we have to break silence. Africa must want to break the silence and take action for we have had enough of genocide, tyranny and dictatorship!

Dr. George Ayittey:  Freeing Ethiopia and Africa!
Dr. Ayittey gave a stimulating and inspiring talk on how Africa can be freed, emphasizing that Ethiopians must free Ethiopia and Africans must free Africa! Ayittey gave reasons for our “chains.” He said the reason was “failed leadership.” He explained that it was the leaders of Africa who were killing the continent. He spoke of the corruption and the way that western governments have sided with the dictators instead of with the people.

He stated that Ethiopians can learn from what worked in Ghana. He emphasized that the problem of Ethiopia cannot be solved by the political parties or the political leaders. Instead, he said, Ethiopians have to create a non-political alliance; explaining that it had to be non-political because when organizations were political in their intent, they would start to fight over becoming popular and being the next to lead the country. This infighting falls right in the open hands of a dictator who only stands to benefit from it.

Ayittey then advised that in the case of Ethiopia, the tribal issues must be dealt with as a priority, saying, “It’s not about one group, but it must be about all of the people standing together for the joint survival of their country. This is the supreme task.” He went on to say that right now, what is happening in Ethiopia is a tribal apartheid system. He warned, “If thee tribal problems are not dealt with effectively and some seek revenge for the past 18 years, the outcome could be terrible.”

He gave a famous and sobering quote regarding the Holocaust referring to a similar time when many did not stand up for their fellow humans.  He adapted it to Ethiopia saying, “When ‘they’ came for the Anuak, I did not do anything because they were Anuak. When they came for the Oromo, I did nothing because I was not Oromo. When they came for the Ogadeni, I did nothing because I was not an Ogadeni.  When they came for me, there was no one left.”

He concluded by saying, “Right now, Ethiopians have to work in solidarity, not for a political party, but instead should create an alliance, in the Diaspora as well as within Ethiopia. This is how the Ghanaians did it and Ethiopians can learn from this model.” He then said he would help in any way he could and re-emphasized that there must be unity for the sake of the country and to find a lasting peace. People have to put their nation above their ethnic group or political party. It must be something like this that can break the silence, expose the truth and revive the country through a peaceful transition to a new and healthier system for everybody.

Next Steps:
In conclusion, from what we learned from this meeting, there is more work to be done and this is the beginning. Some of those steps include finding experts who will work in five different areas:

  1. Safety and security
  2. Transparency and accountability
  3. Reconciliation
  4. Human Rights
  5. Economy
  6. Human Development

The SMNE is urging Ethiopians to send us a proposal or your CV (resume’) indicating in which areas you would like to get involved.

September 13th March to Stop Genocide and Dictatorship in Ethiopia/Africa in Washington DC:
Also, we urge every Ethiopian to join and contribute to this September 13th March so it is more than successful.

Overall Lesson to Learn:
If we want real change in Ethiopia, every Ethiopian must not look for others to do it for them, but instead, it comes to the need for every person to commit and sacrifice. You do not need an invitation, you have to step up and do your share.  Can we count on you?

(Mr. Obang Metho, Executive Director of the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia, can be reached at: Obang@solidaritymovement.org)

Ethiopia's kangaroo court sentences Makhtal to life in prision

Monday, August 3rd, 2009

PRESS RELEASE by Ogaden Human Rights Committee

Background

In June 1963, the Ogaden Liberation Front was founded by Garad Makhtal Garad Dahir, who is Mr Bashir’s grandfather.

According to his family Mr Bashir was born, in Dagah-bour, the capital of Jarar region.

In his childhood his town was burned and razed to the ground and he witnessed the death of many of his close relatives and clansmen at that time.

After the destruction of his hometown, his family like many other Somali-Ogaden families fled to the neighbouring Somalia seeking safe shelter.

In 1991, Somalia plunged into bloody civil war. Warring militias in Somalia carried out horrendous massacres, which claimed many innocent lives in the refugee camps, in northern and southern Somalia.

Mr Bashir arrived in Canada, in 1991, as a refugee. He studied, worked and then became a Canadian citizen in 1994.

In 2001, he established his own business and returned to East Africa, where he ran a used-clothing enterprise.

TWO-AND-A-HALF YEARS OF ILLEGAL IMPRISONMENT AND TORTURE

On December 31st 2006, Mr Bashir Ahmed Makhtal, a prominent Canadian businessman, who originates from the Ogaden region, was arrested by the Kenyan authorities while he was crossing the border between Kenya and Somalia with a valid Canadian passport. No reason was given for his illegal detention. (See OHRC’s press release Kenya: Illegally arrests and renders Ogaden Somalis to Ethiopian military in Somalia ref: OHRC/PRO/0207).

On January 21st 2007, Mr Makhtal and three other Somalis from the Ogaden region were airlifted secretly to Mogadishu airport and then handed over to the Ethiopian Woyanne authorities against their will. They were beaten up, blindfolded and then transferred to secret military detention center in Ethiopia. (See OHRC’s press release Kenya: Illegally arrests and renders Ogaden Somalis to Ethiopian military in Somalia ref: OHRC/PRO/0207).

According to his co-detainees who were released lately, they have been constantly interrogated under torture and did not get any medical treatment for their injuries.

Mr Bashir was accused of being a member of the Ogaden National Liberation Front. He has been brought before an Ethiopian Woyanne court several times. Each time, he was taken back to his cell for lack of evidence.

On July 27th 2009, an Ethiopian Woyanne court in Addis Ababa convicted him of being a member of the ONLF and supporting terrorism in the Ogaden.

Today Mr Bashir was given a life sentence by the same kangaroo court.

Throughout his appearances in the court he pleaded not guilty. But as usual in Ethiopian justice system, the court’s verdict was fait accompli.

He was not informed the particulars of the charges and reasons for his arrest, has not had access to any evidence presented against him and was not represented by a proper legal counsel and his trial was marred by many problems and irregularities. The court proceedings were in Amharic; a language which he could not understand and he was not provided with an accurate account of it in his mother tongue or in English.

Hence, he did not receive fair trial in accordance with recognized international standards.
On the basis of available information about his case, the OHRC believes that there was not credible evidence for his conviction, and his trial was a travesty of justice, and considers him prisoner of conscience and a victim of political vendetta.

To the best of OHRC’s knowledge, Mr Bashir Ahmed Makhtal was not involved in any illegal activities, and has no political affiliation whatsoever.

The Ogaden Human Rights Committee is concerned about his safety and well-being and condemns the sentence of the Ethiopian Court, which is gross miscarriage of justice, and demands his unconditional and immediate release.

The Ogaden Human Rights Committee urges the Canadian Government to seek the immediate and unconditional release of its citizen as well as his family members who are being held without charge or trial in notorious Ethiopian Woyanne jails.

A march to stop genocide in Ethiopia

Monday, August 3rd, 2009

A March to Stop Genocide and Dictatorship in Ethiopia/Africa will be held on Sunday, September 13, 2009 in Washington… [click here to read more]

Is Ethiopian Commodity Exchange good for coffee growers?

Monday, August 3rd, 2009

By Wondwossen Mezlekia

The Ethiopian Commodity Exchange (ECX) was established with an ambitious goal of eliminating food shortages and hunger in Ethiopia by creating an efficient marketing system for agricultural commodities. Barely two months after its launch, the highly praised exchange platform found itself caught in the midst of the complex global coffee trade, an undertaking that is entirely different and farther from its original vision of “revolutionizing” the inefficient domestic commodity market.

In August 2008, the government enacted a new law that forces the trading of all of the country’s coffees through ECX and ECX welcomed the decision. Since then, the government confiscated stocks of coffee from exporters and revoked licenses, filled in the vacuum with the Ethiopian Grain Trade Enterprise (EGTE), and sold Specialty coffees at commodity grade coffee prices.

Following its first rough encounter, ECX is now engaged in talks with Specialty coffee buyers and faced with challenges of wining the hearts and minds of traders locally. But, the effect of ECX on coffee growers is yet to be noticed. This piece attempts to reveal the pitfalls of trading coffee through ECX and its impact on small-scale farmers.

Learning coffee on the fly

As it has now become apparent, ECX was not ready to accommodate trading operations of a complex global commodity when it embarked on coffee export. This partly explains why ECX has had to run into problems as soon as it started its coffee trade.

ECX was initially established to create a trading platform for domestic agricultural commodities, mainly grain. The ECX was created with primary purposes of eliminating the archaic marketing system whose inefficiency, according to ECX’s founder, Eleni Gebre-Medhin, are in part responsible for the recurring food shortages and hunger in parts of Ethiopia, and increasing the value of the domestic grain. Dr. Eleni described her vision in June 2007 at TED Talk as:

“Ethiopia’s domestic market is about $1 billion of value and we feel over the next five years, if Ethiopia can capture even 40%, just 40% of the domestic market and add jut 25% value to that market, the value of the market doubles. ECX, moreover, can become a trading platform for the Pan-African market in agricultural commodity. Ethiopia’s agricultural market is 30% higher than South Africa’s grain production; and, in fact, Ethiopia is the second largest maize producer in Africa.”

This ambition is founded on plausible assumptions about domestic grain trade but it did not take into consideration the state of coffee trade. Because the market system was designed to bring about changes in the grains trade – not in the coffee sector – ECX ended up further complicating the problems facing coffee growers when it suddenly decided to take on coffee trade.

Mandatory exchange

By requiring 100% of coffee trade be conducted through ECX, the government eliminated direct trades. The government says that was necessary in order to improve the sector and prices. This is frivolous.

Unlike grains, coffee trade is characterized by unregulated supply, market monopoly by a few multinationals companies, and stiff competitions among producing countries. Coffee is a global commodity. It is the world’s second most traded commodity next to oil with its prices determined at the New York exchange market. The trade is largely controlled by the world’s biggest coffee buyers. Five multinational companies, Nestlé, Philip Morris, Procter and Gamble, Sara Lee, and Kraft Foods buy about 70% of the world’s coffee and play pivotal roles in setting world coffee prices. Coffee growing nations do not have a say in this unregulated global market.

To mitigate the burden, other coffee growing countries are resorting to creating differentiations and to find a place in the Specialty niche market. The direct trade relationship with Specialty coffee buyers gives these nations a relative stability, premium prices, and incentives to increasing quality standards.

ECX, on the other hand, adopted a strategy of forced bulk trading through a warehouse receipt system and eliminated direct trade. Still, it hopes to improve prices and the sector.

Underestimating Specialty coffee

The global coffee industry is increasingly moving towards greater transparency of coffee origins and differentiation but the ECX system is heading in the opposite direction. Ethiopia is naturally endowed with the variety of coffees demanded by the Specialty coffee buyers. The fine quality of its coffees and the distinctive features of the sector, including its genetic resources, abundance of wild coffee trees, and the organic coffee production, earned Ethiopia a unique place in the global coffee marketplace. Ironically, instead of capitalizing on these unique attributes, ECX aims at bundling all of the coffees into commodity grades.

One possible explanation for this absurd strategy is ECX’s underestimation of the importance of Specialty grade coffees. “The “specialty-plus” market segment is only 3.7% of the total coffees exported, with the remainder to be considered as commodity coffee,” says ECX in its whitepaper titled What is in a Bean?

This unsubstantiated analysis has led ECX to a mistaken conclusion, thus its decision to neglect the Specialty market and focus on aggregate coffee production. ECX’s estimation is flawed and can be proved wrong by the following cursory appraisal of empirical evidences.

In 2008, Starbucks, the world’s largest Specialty coffee buyer, bought 192,500 tons of Specialty coffee, of which 5-10% (the company’s official numbers always fall within this range) was directly sourced from East Africa. (The major coffee growers in East Africa are Ethiopia, Kenya, Tanzania, and Rwanda.) Since Ethiopia is the largest exporter of Specialty coffee in Africa, and, given Starbucks’ long history of close relationship with coffee growers in the country, it is reasonable to assume around 3% of Starbucks’ purchase (or about 60% of its East African purchase) comes from Ethiopia. Meaning, around 5,775 tons of Starbucks’ 2008 purchases is practically from Ethiopia. Since Ethiopia’s export during that year was 170,888 tons, Starbucks’ purchase only represents 3.4% of Ethiopia’s export.

So, if at least 3.4% of Ethiopia’s Specialty grade was directly sold to Starbucks, one can imagine how the number can easily jump to a range of upper teens to twenties when the quantity that Starbucks bought through Germany (Starbucks buys most of its coffee from Germany which is also one of Ethiopia’s major export markets) and the coffees directly sold to other small buyers through direct trade.

It is thus extraordinary that ECX diminishes the roles of Specialty coffee in Ethiopia. Furthermore, it is unbelievable that ECX failed to see the fact that Specialty coffees drive the global coffee trade.

Marketing experts agree that the prestigious coffees such as Sidama, Yirgacheffe, and Harar serve marketers as ingredient brands. The prominent Oxford Professor Douglas Holt defines ingredient brands as: “brands that are used as one component “ingredient” of another branded product or service. Gore waterproof fabric and Intel computer chips are classic examples.”

Dr. Holt argues, “Consumers view the ingredient’s inclusion as a distinctive and valuable addition to the offer. The ingredient is revealed to end-consumers through some sort of distinctive mark (name, logo, etc.) so that the inclusion of the ingredient increases the perceived value of the offering.”

By undermining the roles played by Specialty coffees to promote the sale of Ethiopia’s aggregate coffee export, ECX’s bulk trading system poses a threat to commoditizing some of the distinct coffees in the world. Farmers that grow some these finest beans expect their produce to fetch them a price better than that of the run-of-the-mill beans. The lack of incentive for their hard work may have adverse effect on the country’s Specialty coffee production. As quality deteriorates, the country’s prestigious brands water down as well.

Unfair competition

When responding to criticisms about its position on direct trade, ECX cites as an example the cooperatives and commercial farms that are directly selling Specialty coffee outside of the ECX system. This is true but the problem is, by allowing selected group of growers to have access to the Specialty market, ECX leaves out the smallholder families that are not organized in cooperatives. This practice deprives farmers of the privilege of establishing business relationship with external buyers.

In addition, the current ECX system also subjects small-scale farmers to a potential market monopoly by a few exporters. Farmers are not represented in the ECX Board of Directors, a body that currently comprises three major coffee exporters, including Berhane Hailu, General Manager of EGTE, and seven government officials. This degree of power imbalance puts farmers at a disadvantage.

Coffee trade under current ECX system is far from being a level playing field. It is difficult to imagine a marketplace that is fair to farmers in a setting where the government owned enterprise, EGTE, working to maximize profit and ensure uninterrupted inflow of foreign exchange also directs ECX. As far as small-scale coffee growers are concerned, ECX has so far not been “fair, independent, and free.”

If ECX were to be of any benefit to the poor farmers, it should create an environment where the bulk trading system functions alongside a direct trading system for Specialty coffees and other certifications such as Bird Friendly, forest, and organic coffees. This is a lifeline for many smallholder farmers and that is where they have comparative advantage over competitors.

(The writer can be reached at wondwossen.mezlekia@symetra.com)

Ethiopia's popular singer may be jailed because of music

Monday, August 3rd, 2009

Teddy Afro is one of Ethiopia’s most popular singers. Afro, whom fans call Ethiopia’s Bob Marley, is in prison. Many are convinced that his legal troubles are related to his music. Some of Afro’s songs seem critical of Ethiopia’s government… [more]

Experts say Nile Basin countries may fight over water

Monday, August 3rd, 2009

By Muhammad Yamany, Wael Naguib

CAIRO (Xinhua) — Some Egyptian experts accused the United States and Israel of raising differences among Nile Basin countries to affect Egypt and Sudan, warning that Nile Basin countries may fight for water in the future.

They referred that Egypt, with a population of about 77 million people, would never give up its historic rights in the Nile water.

There are foreign hands pushing some of Nile Basin countries to amend the 1929 agreement, which organizes the relations among these nations and the proportion of water to each country, so as to put pressure on Egypt and Sudan, said Dr. Abed al-Monem al-Mashet, Director of Search and Studies Center in the prestigious Cairo University.

Al-Mashet told Xinhua late on Wednesday that these hands are Israel, which has some old projects to affect Egypt’s quota in the Nile water especially in Ethiopia, and the United States which has an influence in southern Sudan.

He added that differences among the Nile Basin countries could be normal if there was not an agreement organizing the relations among them signed in 1929 and so no country can change the water quota for each country.

Earlier this week, Egypt’s Minister of Public Works and Water Resources Mahmoud Abdel Halim Abu Zeid said that Egypt is suffering from a serious shortage of water.

“Egypt has already entered the cycle of water poverty,” said Allam.

On the other hand, Egypt’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said that Egypt’s need of water is a red line that no one can come across and Nile Basin countries should consult Egypt before carrying out any projects that could affect Egypt’s share of water.

Asked about the outbreak of war due to differences among Nile Basin countries, al-Mashet said that Nile water is a matter of national security to Egypt and in the past Egypt’s former president Mohamed Anwar Sadat threatened to use military power if any of the Nile Basin countries tried to amend the 1929 agreement.

However, al-Mashet said that he does not think it could reach war at the time being as there is no big water projects in the Nile Basin countries, but it would happen in the future.

He called for negotiation in good intentions among the countries, expressing his belief that negotiation needs a summit for presidents instead of water ministers.

Meanwhile, Dr. Eglal Rafat, professor of political science at Cairo University, warned that differences in this issue could lead to war in the future if countries did not reach an agreement about sharing water.

She told Xinhua that Egypt sees that the past agreements about sharing Nile water are legal and the international law is in its side, so it is impossible that Egypt would compromise any of its historical rights as it is already suffering from water poverty.

Egypt reiterated that it would not recognize any agreement or any organization for the Nile basin countries unless it admits clearly the Egyptian rights in Nile water and that Egypt should be consulted before carrying out any project on the Nile which could affect the water quota of Egypt.

Egypt’s water needs will surpass its resources by 2017 because of its population. A recent report by the cabinet’s Information and Decision Support Center said that Egypt would need 86.2 billion cubic meters of water in 2017 while its resources would only be 71.4 billion cubic meters.

Egypt’s water resources stood at 64 billion cubic meters in 2006, of which the River Nile provided 55.5 billion cubic meters, or 86.7 percent, the report said.

Egypt says that the Nile water is enough for every country if these countries concentrated on how to mange and use it.

On Tuesday, Nile Basin countries delayed signing a water-sharing agreement rejected by Egypt and Sudan, which opposed any reduction in their quotas.

“Wars could break out for water in the future unless an agreement is reached on how to share the river’s water,” said Rafat.

Deserting a Sinking Ship or Doing the Right Thing?

Monday, August 3rd, 2009

By Alemayehu G. Mariam

Escapees of Conscience or Deserters From a Sinking Ship?

Over the past month, there has been a spate of reported official “defections” from Ethiopia. The alleged “defectors” said to be seeking asylum in the U.S. include a high level official attached to the “State Minister of Government Communications Affairs”, an individual identified as the “Director of Ethiopian Telecommunication Agency” and another person said to be a member of Ethiopia’s rubber-stamp parliament. A well-known Ethiopian novelist is also reported to be seeking asylum in the U.S. Three officially sponsored Ethiopian “exchange students” sent to England for a three-month program “vanished during a trip to the Houses of Parliament” and are believed to be seeking asylum there. The grapevine in certain circles is abuzz with rumors that a number of the head honcho’s ambassadors in various countries have either refused to return to Ethiopia or are forestalling their return. Over the past few years, dozens of diplomatic officials are reported to have deserted the crippled ship of state of the dictators in Ethiopia.[1]

The question is whether the recent defections signify the proverbial desertion of a sinking ship, or are simply episodic instances of individual “escapees of conscience”.

Why Defect?

There is a long tradition of individuals fleeing tyranny and despotism in their homelands. Over the past three decades, thousands of Ethiopians have escaped oppression, persecution and dictatorial rule in their homeland and obtained political asylum in various countries. Receiving asylum in a host country does not necessarily make an individual a “defector”. There is no formally cognizable status of “defector” under international law. Such persons are generally treated as “refugees” under the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and the 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees. The U.S. Government in its administrative manuals defines a “defector” as a “person who repudiates his or her country when beyond its jurisdiction or control.” When the Soviet Union existed, a “defector” was an individual who “committed treason by cooperating with a hostile foreign intelligence service”.

There is no single prototype of a defector. Defectors from the former communist countries have included generals, diplomats, scientists, artists, musicians, atheletes, and even children of supreme dictators. For instance, among well-known Russian defectors to the U.S. include KGB general Oleg Kalugin; pianist Dmitry Shostakovich, Olga Korbut, the four gold and two silver medal winning gymnast and chess grandmasters Viktor Korchnoy and Boris Spassky. In 1967, Stalin’s daughter, Svetlana Alliluyeva, defected to the U.S. In 1993, Fidel Castro’s daughter, Alina Fernandez Revuelta, did the same after entering the U.S. disguised as a Spanish tourist. Far fewer numbers of Americans have defected to the Soviet Union, mostly for ideological reasons.

Individuals defect for a variety of reasons. Some do so for purely personal reasons; and others for moral, philosophical, political, intellectual or ideological ones. Soviet defector interview data and autobiographies suggest that among the major factors motivating defections included strong beliefs and perceptions that: 1) the Soviet regime lacked popular legitimacy and mandate and rules by means of lies, intimidation and violence; 2) communism as an ideology is bankrupt and that the Soviet regime uses it to justify its monopoly on power; 3) basic human rights and the rule of law are disregarded and violated routinely by communist officials, and 4) since no legal opposition to the Soviet regime is allowed or tolerated, defection is one of the few ways for individuals to show their opposition and rejection of the communist system. Others have described Soviet defectors as “cynical people who understood the corruption of the Soviet system, used it to their advantage and turned against it only when it failed them in their self-centered pursuits or somehow victimized them.”

Life as an Official of the Ruling Dictatorship

Anecdotal evidence obtained from some Ethiopian defectors paints a portrait of the inhumanity, depravity, cruelty and decay of the dictatorial regime there, and the existential trap in which the defectors found themselves. These defectors reported facing a variation on the excruciating question: “How could I serve in good conscience a brutal, corrupt and ruthless dictatorship?” Witnessing injustice, abuse of power, unfairness, exploitation and outright criminality everyday, yet being part of a system that perpetrates and perpetuates it, created a hellish situation for many of these defectors. They reported being tormented by the proverbial little voice in their consciences telling them: “This is so wrong. Don’t do it. Don’t be a part of it!” They described facing an endless struggle between their consciences and the harsh reality they faced servicing the dictatorship. They lived each day overwhelmed by a sense of powerlessness and helplessness. They felt they had sold out their consciences to make a daily living and put food on the table for their families. Dependent on the dictatorship for their daily bread, a number of these defectors reported living a life of self-loathing, duplicity and quiet desperation: They were afraid to speak up against the injustices they witnessed for fear of retribution; they were tormented by guilt because they felt completely powerless to change their circumstances; they felt they had to live a life of pretension just to survive and not to arouse suspicion of disloyalty; they were overcome by unrelenting anxiety and insecurity about possible official retaliation for something they had done on not done; and they seethed with anger for being bossed around by a herd of ignoramuses.

These defectors also reported seeking escape from a daily existence of humiliation, shame and self-loathing before defecting. Many withdrew into the world of alcohol and self-indulgence to escape their misery and contain their moral outrage. Some waited and schemed in secrecy for that one opportunity to travel to the West for some training program or a diplomatic assignment. When they got that chance, they quietly slipped away from their delegations to seek political asylum. Others not fortunate enough to travel and not drowning themselves in alcohol are said to seek alternative relief by consorting with opposition elements, or seeking solace in prayer and other spiritual pursuits. Those who could not take it anymore treaded the risky waters of opposition politics, and soon find out there is a huge price to pay for standing up against the dictatorship. They found themselves out of a job or worse. Some are said to be so overcome by fear and anxiety about their personal well-being that they simply want to drop out the officialdom and be left alone. But dictatorships are like the devil; and as the old saying goes, once the devil catches you by a single strand of hair, you are his forever until you save yourself or are redeemed.

Defection as a Moral Act of Outrage and Redemption

Defection made for the right reasons could be a supreme act of moral redemption for the defector. Those who have been involuntary agents of oppression and criminality have the ability to morally purify themselves by openly and publicly repudiating their previous official life. But the moral duty of defectors transcends self-atonement; it includes a collateral duty to help those who suffer under the yoke of dictatorship. As Victor Kravchenko, one of the early Soviet defectors observed, it is the duty of a defector to speak his mind once in freedom because “an understanding of the Russian reality by the democratic world is the precondition for my country’s liberation from within.” It is because of the work of Soviet defectors who exposed the brutality and depravity of the Soviet system that an underground dissident and human rights movement in the Soviet Union was able to take root in the 1980s.

Defectors, Duties and the Diaspora: Doing the Right Thing

Foreign officials who defect in most Western countries have legal rights to seek political asylum. It is the duty of all Ethiopians in the Diaspora who believe in freedom, democracy and human rights to help those escaping oppression and persecution as victims of human rights abuses. It is commendable that many Ethiopian legal professionals in the U.S. particularly, and other charitable institutions, have offered or extended assistance to those who have sought asylum in the U.S. as defectors or otherwise. Many individuals and American civic organizations deserve gratitude for their efforts in facilitating the social integration of those fleeing persecution in Ethiopia.

Until we walk a mile in the defectors’ shoes, we have little moral basis to prejudge them for taking the courageous act of defecting from a ruthless dictatorship. Fundamental fairness requires that we give them the benefit of the doubt: They shall all deemed escapees of conscience doing the right thing until proven otherwise!

We do not know if we are witnessing the tip of a defection iceberg from the reports of this past month. Perhaps these defections will open the floodgates for an exodus of officials escaping oppression and persecution, or such defections will continue to trickle. Regardless, we must be careful not to malign these official defectors, or arbitrarily impugn their motives as some may be inclined to do. It may be that these individuals are abandoning a slowly sinking ship, or just doing the right thing and cleansing themselves. It does not matter. In the struggle for the hearts and minds of Ethiopians, it is the duty of those in the Diaspora to lend aid to such individuals as victims of human rights abuses. It is the moral duty of all well-intentioned defectors to name and shame their former masters and tormentors. Above all, it is their supreme moral duty to speak their minds once they find themselves in freedom; and, to paraphrase Victor Kravchenko, bear witness against injustice and human rights violations because “an understanding of the Ethiopian reality by the democratic world is the precondition for our country’s liberation from within.”

[1] http://www.addisvoice.com/PR/defections.htm

(The writer, Alemayehu G. Mariam, is a professor of political science at California State University, San Bernardino, and an attorney based in Los Angeles. For comments, he can be reached at almariam@gmail.com)

Dinner with Hillary Clinton

Sunday, August 2nd, 2009

By George Ayittey

Next week, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton will be visiting 7 African countries in 11 days: Cape Verde Islands, Liberia, Nigeria, Congo DR (Goma, in particular), Kenya, South Africa and Angola. Part of the purpose of the trip is to smooth over ruffled feathers. Recall that Kenyans were miffed over the fact that President Obama skipped his fatherland and visited Ghana instead. And Nigerians felt his trip to Ghana was an insidious plot to destabilize their country. So Hillary is being dispatched to soothe frayed nerves and douse the flames. There are also genuine concerns in the Obama administration about Nigeria’s stability and China’s forays into Africa.

The purpose of our dinner at the State Department was an effort by the Secretary of State, Hillary, to reach out of the bureaucratic cocoon to independent “gurus” and seek alternative viewpoints before her trip to Africa. We were given a set of questions to respond to in order to frame the discussion at the dinner forum and help prepare her for the trip. What she should be looking for, what she should say, how she could be helpful, etc.

The dinner was quite extraordinary. The protocol was stultifying; everything was planned to the minutest detail. Yet the atmosphere was relaxed. There were 26 of us at the dinner table with Secretary of State Hillary Clinton at the center. Half of the guests were State Dept. operatives — speech writer, policy planner, and a retinue of deputies and assistants — assistant this, assistant that, deputy assistant this, if you know what I mean. The remaining 13 of us where the “experts.” There were only 5 blacks there, including Asst. Sec. of State for Africa, Ambassador Johnnie Carson. I was the only African but, at least, it was a start.

The reason why I was invited was because Brian Phipps, Clinton’s policy planner, had read my book, Africa Unchained, two years ago and said it had “a profound influence” on his thinking about Africa. So I asked him if it would be OK to bring two copies of my book — one for Hillary and the other for Obama. He said who would refuse such a gracious act of generosity.

So I took two copies along. One for Hillary which I autographed as: “I am a big fan of yours. Africans are grateful for your concern for the continent.” Hey, a little fawning adulation never hurt nobody. My students do that to me all the time to get good grades: “I learned a lot from your class,” “You are my greatest teacher,” they often tell me. A quick check of the grades of those praise-singers tell a different story. Rascals.

The other book was for President Obama. I autographed it as: “This wont’ get me a BEER at the White House but we are proud of you as a son of Africa. Don’t mind what the Americans say.”

I hope Obama has a sense of humor but don’t try this with President Musugu Babazonga, President-For-Life of the Coconut Republic of Tonga somewhere in the Gulf of Guinea. He is the author of the “Green Book,” which everybody must read. All other books are banned.

I told the group that there was no need to re-invent the wheel and that the West should deal with Africa the way it dealt with the former Soviet Union. There it didn’t form partnerships with communist regimes and hand over money to them on promises of reform. It helped solidarity movements and established Radio Free Europe. Why not Radio Free Africa? Sec. of State Hillary Clinton said it is a great idea and she likes it.

To the consternation of everyone, I commended Hillary highly and told her I was humbled by her invitation and I wish African governments would reach out and seek alternative viewpoints. Instead, they tossed me into jail, raided my hotel room and even fire-bombed my office in Washington, DC. Hillary was listening attentively.

She is very sharp, witty and a good sport. She is quite warm and open. The dinner lasted for two hours and at the end, I gave her the book and posed for a photo.

(The writer can be reached at ayittey@american.edu)

'Guzo' arrives in New York

Sunday, August 2nd, 2009

Guzo, The Journey NEW YORK — The critically acclaimed and winner of the 3rd annual Addis International Film Festival, Guzo (The Journey) will make its New York City debut at the renowned state-of the- art Helen Mills Theater on Saturday, August 8th… click here for more info

Interview with EPPF fighters – video

Saturday, August 1st, 2009

Ethiopian People’s Patriotic Front (EPPF) International Committee’s head of Organizational Affairs Ato Sileshi Tilahun interviews leaders and fighters of the Front. Watch the video below.

Reminder: EPPF high-level officials will hold a town hall meeting in Washington DC on Sunday, August 9 at 2:30 PM. Place: Unification Church, 1610 Columbia Road NW, Washington DC.

Ethiopia: Evander Holyfield vs. Sammy Retta

Saturday, August 1st, 2009

By Gwen Thompkins | NPR

The boxing world has an unusual fight coming up. Former heavyweight champion Evander Holyfield is expected to meet Ethiopian boxer Sammy Retta next month in Addis Ababa.

The boxing match in Africa — which will reportedly raise money for charity — is being cast by the promoter as another “Rumble in the Jungle,” recalling the Muhammad Ali-George Foreman fight more than 30 years ago, in what was then Zaire.

Ali made history in that 1974 title fight, reclaiming the crown as heavyweight champion of the world.

But before Ethiopia can make its own history by hosting this non-title match, Retta and Holyfield will have to get into the ring first. So far, they’re running late.

You can always tell a little something about a person when they mention who their favorite boxer is. Anybody who says Jack Johnson or Joe Louis is probably on Social Security right now. Joe Frazier? That fan is stubborn beyond belief — and not afraid to tell the whole world to take a hike. Sugar Ray Leonard? Oscar De La Hoya? A sucker for a pretty boy with a nice punch.

Maj. Shiferaw Teklu is a former officer in the Imperial Guard in Ethiopia; his boss was the former emperor. So it would follow that his favorite boxer is considered a king.

“Cassius Clay. I still love him. All his talks, all his bluffings. That’s what I love about him,” Teklu says.

Muhammad Ali hasn’t been Cassius Clay for more than 40 years. But Teklu and others in Addis Ababa are still calling him Clay more often than Ali.

“I’ll definitely support Sammy. He’s my countryman. But I would be happy also to support both because the aim of this boxing match is for a charity,” Teklu says.

Making History?

Evander Holyfield, aka “The Real Deal,” is 46 years old and a four-time heavyweight champion of the world. He wants another shot at the title.

Sammy Retta, aka “The Knockout Artist,” is 35. He has been nowhere near a title fight, either in Ethiopia or in the Washington, D.C., area where he now lives. Holyfield may be the guy who can put Retta on the map. Not surprisingly, Retta’s favorite boxer is Evander Holyfield.

“He’s a good fighter, one of the greatest boxers. He beat everybody, almost,” Retta says.

But whether anybody remembers Retta’s name will depend on how good his bout with Holyfield is — and, more importantly, if it happens.

The fight was supposed to take place on July 26. Then there was talk about Aug. 19. And now, promoter Everton Boland says the authorities have committed to Sept. 11 — the Ethiopian New Year. By the way, Boland’s favorite boxers are Jamaican, like he is. But he says his hero is the legendary promoter, Don King.

“King do it all — heavyweights, lightweight, middleweight — he did it all. Come on, he went to Africa, he goes everywhere in the world. I’m doing the same thing now. I’m trying,” Boland says.

But pulling off an event like this in Ethiopia isn’t exactly like calling up Madison Square Garden and fixing a date on the calendar. There is no such thing as professional boxing in the country. The amateur boxing federation seems, well, amateurish. The phones don’t work so well. Power outages are frequent. And this is, of all times, the rainy season, when everybody slows down to the speed of mud.

But Boland says he’s optimistic.

“I think I’ll get it done. This is going to be good. This is a history fight, a heavyweight fight. This is the first time that a legend is going to fight an African. This is making history,” he says.

‘David Versus David’

But anyone who plans to climb into the ring in Addis Ababa on Sept. 11 needs to come quick. The city is at an altitude of 8,300 feet, more than a mile and a half high. A flight of stairs knocks out many a foreigner. And some say that even at sea level, Holyfield is too worn out to be near a ring.

Until recently, Retta was a super middleweight fighter. The Holyfield match will be his first as a heavyweight. And at 230 pounds, he is heavier than Holyfield.

Sisay Wolde, a former amateur boxing star in Ethiopia, says his advice to Retta is not to count Holyfield out yet: Keep your distance, dance and tire the old man out.

“Holyfield should never get closer to Sammy, because if he gets closer, he knows how to attack him and Sammy will not have a chance to win,” Wolde says.

Boland says this fight won’t be so much David vs. Goliath, as much as it will be David against another David.

“You don’t know who can beat who at any time. But a Holyfield-Sammy Retta fight, this is going to be interesting because [it's] an older man against a younger guy, who might just be peaking. I just don’t know,” Boland says.

It’s looking like the real winner will be the man who gets both fighters in the ring on time. The history books can tell the rest. Boland is calling the match “African Affairs.”

Ethiopian Orthodox Church Day celebrated in DC

Saturday, August 1st, 2009

Ethiopian Orthodox Church Day celebrated in DC

A special event celebrating “The Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church Day” was held on Saturday and Sunday (Aug. 1 and 2) in Washington DC.

The event was organized by Ethiopian churches in the Washington DC Metro Area. Some 1,500 people attended the two-day celebration, which included a discussion on the history of Ethiopian Orthodox Church.

“The highlight of the event was to see the initiative young Ethiopian Americans who took part in explaining the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church’s history, sacred objects and its Abenet Schools (Kes Temeheret bet) to the non-Amharic speakers,” according to Wz. Amaretch Tademe, one of the organizers.

Ethiopian Orthodox Church Day in DC – August 1

Friday, July 31st, 2009

A presentation of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church

Come and learn about the rich history and tradition of the church which has held on to the faith of the apostles for over 2000 years.

Exhibition in Amharic and English featuring:

* Presentation on the contributions of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church to Ethiopia and the world
* The Ecclesiastical Melodies of Saint Yared
* Audiovisual presentation of the Monasteries and Churches in Ethiopia
* A display of sacred objects
* A special area for children
* Sermons on unity
* Information about charitable organizations that works closely with the church
* Testimonials of miracles that are being seen in today’s Ethiopia
* Hymns, poems, plays, and much more.

Location:
Washington Monument Grounds, 15th and Constitution Ave, NW

Date/Time:
Saturday, August 1st, 2009, 11:00 AM – 7:00 PM
Sunday, August 2nd, 2009, 11:00 AM – 7:00 PM

For more info: EOTCDAYDC@gmail.com
Coordinator: Nibure’ed GebreHiwot Melissie
Yohannes Teklu, Tel 301 899 6521
Shewakena Habteyes, Tel 301 404 7582
Amarech Tademe, Tel 202 297 0610

Canada to seek clemency for its citizen convicted in Ethiopia

Friday, July 31st, 2009

OTTAWA (CP) — The Conservative government of Canada says it will seek clemency for Bashir Makhtal if the Ethiopian government sentences him to death next week.

Foreign Affairs Minister Lawrence Cannon says Canada has asked Ethiopia that Makhtal not face the death penalty. Makhtal is to be sentenced next week after being found guilty this week in Addis Ababa on terrorism-related charges.

Makhtal, born in Ethiopia, settled in Canada as a refugee and later moved to Kenya, opening a used-clothing business.

He was working in Somalia when Ethiopian troops invaded in late 2006 and fled back to Kenya, but he was detained along with several others at the Kenya-Somalia border.

He was charged with being a member of the separatist Ogaden National Liberation Front – an allegation he denies.

An Islamic history is a vital part of Ethiopia's richness

Friday, July 31st, 2009

By HA Hellyer

“We are sorry if you get woken up by the Muslim call to prayer in the morning.” Those were some of the first words I heard at my hotel when I arrived in Addis Ababa, on my first trip to Ethiopia. I confess – I was a bit confused. Call to prayer? In the capital of a “Christian country in a sea of Muslims”, as Ethiopia is sometimes called? Perhaps I was in a Muslim quarter of Addis Ababa that had been recently established?

No, the situation was far more complicated than that, and one about which I had a surprisingly limited awareness. Most non-Ethiopians, including the immediate neighbours of Ethiopia, also believe that Ethiopia is predominantly Christian. The more sophisticated might believe that there is a Muslim minority – and it was to learn about that population that drew me to Ethiopia in the first place. But it is not a minority. About 55 per cent of Ethiopia’s parliament is Muslim and representatives from the country’s Islamic community insist they are at least 50 per cent of the population. While the US State Department estimates that this number is a bit lower, Islam might actually be the religion with the most adherents in Ethiopia.

If there is any “Muslim quarter” in Addis, it must be an old one. Christianity was the first religion to arrive in Ethiopia – but only in the north of the country. Where the capital, Addis Ababa, is located, the area of Shawa, was the domain of a Muslim sultanate in the early 8th century. Most historical narratives portray Ethiopia’s as a Christian story. If Islam is even mentioned, it is associated with disconnected tribesman in the lowlands who battled Christian kingdoms in the highlands. But history is written by the powerful and now academics are rediscovering the Muslim history of this country of such noble heritage.

As I met people from Ethiopia’s Muslim community, I was struck by their diversity. Most Ethiopian Muslims are influenced by Sufism, and follow the same Sunni rites as their neighbours in Yemen, Somalia and Djibouti (the Shafi’i rite) – but there are also adherents of other Sunni rites, and a significant Salafi movement within Ethiopia. There are dozens of ethnic and linguistic groups among Muslim Ethiopians, from all areas of the country.

But what they share is a long history of discrimination against them. Early Christian-Muslims relations in Ethiopia were very good – the Prophet of Islam sent several Muslim refugees to live among Christians in Ethiopia, who had a very high opinion of the king at that time, who later became Muslim. In the medieval era, Christian Ethiopians under the Zagwes refused to be drawn into the European crusades against the Muslim world, which led to Saladin giving the Ethiopian Orthodox Church a monastery in Jerusalem. In the same era, Muslims and Christians lived in separate kingdoms and sultanates in Ethiopia, but in peaceful coexistence – and their example proves that deeply religious and pious people of different religions need not be at war with one another.

But with the rise of the Solomonic dynasty in 1270 that came to an end. That dynasty, like many others of its age, was expansionist and aggressive, leading to a great number of conflicts with Muslim sultanates over a period of hundreds of years in Ethiopia. The length of the Solomonic dynasty is staggering – Haile Selassie was its last Emperor, and his reign ended in 1974. He saw the establishment of a modern Ethiopia, but not a modern educational system – at least, not for Muslim Ethiopians. The historians and educators I interviewed in Ethiopia bemoaned the standard of education among Muslim Ethiopians, explaining to me that during Haile Selassie’s tenure, Muslim regions did not receive the same attention as Christian regions and few modern educational institutions were established. Haile Selassie had a formula for Ethiopia: one country, one people, one religion. Muslims were not part of that equation. The revolutionary regime that overthrew Haile Selassie, the Derg, introduced education for all, but as a communist movement, Muslim communities still suffered discrimination.

Many of those whom I met were from that generation – a generation that had access to education, and began to learn about their religion in a modern sense. With the establishment of a more democratic constitution in 1994, Muslim Ethiopians began to try to build more institutions for themselves.

Much of the contemporary analysis surrounding Ethiopia’s relationship with the Muslim world revolves around Somalia, and Ethiopia’s invasion of that country in 2006. I saw quite a different face, however, to the nation. I saw a huge number of Muslims speaking excellent Arabic (perhaps more than any non-Arabic speaking country I had ever been to), proud of the history of this ancient land that had never been conquered. On the other hand, I also saw the sadness of many Muslim Ethiopians, who were frustrated that while rich Muslim countries might provide funds to build mosques, or provide food during Ramadan, they would not contribute to provide for the institutions needed to improve the capacity of this thriving community. And it’s not hard to see why – many simply do not believe there is a community there to support in the first place.

But there is an Ethiopian Muslim community there: a community that has learnt to thrive against the odds, and one that teaches lessons about identity in a diverse society and the role of religion in the modern world. It is a community that deserves to be known.

(H A Hellyer is a Fellow of the Centre for Research in Ethnic Relations at the University of Warwick, UK, and director of the Visionary Consultants Group)

Egypt blocks Nile water deal

Friday, July 31st, 2009

ALEXANDRIA, Egypt (UPI) — Hopes that the 10 Nile Basin countries would sign a water-sharing agreement at a meeting in Alexandria to settle one of the planet’s most contentious water issues have been dashed — for now at least — after Egypt and Sudan rejected any cuts in their traditional quotas.

But the prospects of a long-term accord on an equitable share-out of the waters of the 3,470-mile Nile, the world’s longest river, remain dim, largely because Egypt, the largest user, refuses to surrender its veto powers and its historic rights over the river that has been its lifeblood since time immemorial.

The Nile and its tributaries flow through Egypt, Sudan, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Tanzania, Uganda, Kenya, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda and Burundi.

The water ministers of these states put off finalizing a treaty for six months when they wrapped up their four-day Alexandria meeting on Tuesday.

In May, the riparian states had drafted a Cooperative Framework Agreement at a summit in the Congo, but Egypt and Sudan refused to sign because it made no mention of their historic claims on Nile water that date back to the colonial era.

Cairo and Khartoum, which do not see eye-to-eye on most things, hailed Tuesday’s postponement. “It’s a big victory,” a senior Sudanese official declared. “They were going to sign the agreement beginning Aug. 1 regardless of Egypt and Sudan.”

The dispute over the Nile’s life-giving waters has stirred resentment and tension for years now. But now the feuding over water appears to be intensifying.

Some international law experts have gone so far as to suggest that if political and diplomatic efforts fail to settle the issue, the use of military force would be the only option.

Others say it is unlikely that any of these states would resort to such extreme action. But the U.N. Development Program recently voiced concern that conflict over shrinking water resources could trigger “water wars” — as has happened before in the arid Middle East.

Climate change in recent years has reduced rainfall, leading to lower water flows in the Nile and jeopardizing hydraulic projects in several states.

Egypt and neighboring Sudan are the Nile’s largest consumers. Egypt, which lies at the end of the river as it flows into the Mediterranean, does not contribute any water to the Nile system.

But it has the largest population — 80.24 million — and the greatest military power among the riparian states and thus the highest demand for water. For Cairo, safeguarding the Nile water is a strategic objective.

The problem stems in large part from the absence of multilateral agreements concerning water-sharing. This is because Egypt has refused to sign any documents that do not recognize its insistence that its needs are paramount.

The only agreement that does exist lies at the heart of the dispute — the 1929 accord between Egypt and Britain, then the predominant colonial power in Africa.

It gave Cairo veto power over upstream projects that could impede the Nile’s flow levels — as Turkey’s current ambitious dam-building program is cutting off the flow of the Tigris and Euphrates to Syria and Iraq.

Britain claimed it had acted on behalf of its African colonies, but its motivation undoubtedly had a lot to do with maintaining strategic control over the Suez Canal to hold its empire together.

A bilateral treaty between Egypt and Sudan in 1959 allocated Egypt 55.5 billion cubic meters of water annually — 87 percent of the Nile’s flow — with Sudan getting 18.5 billion cubic meters.

The other riparian states say this is grossly unfair and demand an equitable water-sharing pact that would allow for much wider irrigation for crop-growing (an increasingly vital issue because of global food shortages) and hydraulic power projects.

Egypt argues that the upstream countries have far greater rainfall than Egypt — which has hardly any — and other sources of water than the Nile.

The river provides 87 percent of Egypt’s water resources. An Egyptian government report in July warned that the country’s water requirements would exceed its resources by 2017.

The dangerous hype behind Ethiopian Commodity Exchange

Thursday, July 30th, 2009

By Seid Hassan

It is our hope that many Ethiopians have watched the PBS/WNET documentary film under the title of The Market Maker/Wide Angle, which was broadcast beginning on July 23, 2009. This documentary followed the Ethiopian economist, Dr. Eleni Gabre-Madhin, who is the CEO of the newly established Ethiopian Commodity Exchange. Many of us were waiting for the documentary to show us how the ECX could “… transform the Ethiopian economy by becoming a global commodity market of choice,” as claimed in the ECX’s main web page. That was not to be.

We were disappointed (but not surprised) by the failure of the documentary film which failed to show us the difficulties that the ECX has and would face, let alone Dr. Eleni’s failure to explain to us how the ECX could “transform the Ethiopian economy.” The anchor of the documentary, a renowned journalist Mr. Aaron Brown, opened the discussion by asking how the commodity exchange would lift the millions of Ethiopian poor farmers out of poverty. We were anxiously expecting Dr. Eleni to explain to us how many millions illiterate peasants would read the coded commodity prices and use them to their advantage; how the ECX could function and survive in a country where free markets are non-existent; explain to us the mechanisms whereby the peasants would be able to obtain the necessary information about markets in a country where the independent media is slummed shut by the government, a country where the limited media outlets (one of the poorest and lowest penetration rates in the world), such as the telephone, internet, radio, TV, newspapers are controlled by the government. For those who don’t know the Ethiopian situation, we would like to inform them that even those who have access to the limited electronic and print media are so fed up with the government’s endless lies and false propaganda that they only pay attention to those foreign-owned and operated media such as the BBC, VOA, Deutsche Welle, al-jezeera and the Eritrean TV.

Moreover, those of us of Ethiopian origin were expecting the documentary to show us the difficulties and lack of coordination between market participants. In particular, we were expecting the producers of the documentary to have gone deep into the rural areas of Ethiopia and show us the daily lives of the peasants, their unbearable poverty, the meager outputs they produce, and how they “dump”, which is true to this day, their small products to any price they could fetch during harvest times, how they would be able to know what the ECX is (let alone their lack of understanding how it works). It was not to be.

As Thomas Paul aptly put it, the documentary failed to show the criteria for success, the market inefficiencies before the implementation of the ECX, how one could measure the benefits of an efficient trading system. The same observer also noted that Dr. Eleni failed to show any raw data supporting the ripple effects of market efficiencies that she talked about, the impacts of the price variances, the challenges, and implementation strategies. Most importantly, both the documentary and Dr. Eleni failed to show us what kind of regulatory schemes exist to build trust, which is a paramount currency in a (newly formed) commodity exchange system. The initiative is a start, assuming that all the necessary ingredients are in place (which is not the case), but it is far from the success story the documentary tried to portray. The same astute observer also noted:

The benefits and theoretical advantages of making trading easy is a function of trust which in turn is a function of independence from the hands of the government. … [W]hat was glaringly evident was that the system has so far failed to win the trust of stakeholders, as evidenced by the governments’ abrupt shut down of an efficient auction system by which coffee was traded previously. As soon as stakeholders, farmers and merchants alike, were forced to transact through the ECX, they went underground. Some were accused of ‘hoarding’ and thrown in jail…

Let us briefly delve into some of the characteristics of a commodity exchange system and relate those characteristics to the ECX. In this particular article (our first installment on the issue), we show that the ECX is neither a Free Market based transparency and a level-playing field, nor it is intended to be, at least from the government’s stand point.

Since its establishment, which began its operation in April of 2008, the ECX has never been a free exchange market. The description “free commodity exchange market” was and still is just a PR stunt and a pretext to hoodwink donors and unsuspecting public. We know free markets galvanize private resources by bringing those who are willing and able to buy and sell when they try to maximize their own individual utility. We also know and understand that commodity exchange mechanisms could play vital roles provided that they are set up properly and allowed to function with minimal interference by the authorities. By the same taken, the ECX could alleviate, but not transform, some of the problems that the Ethiopian economy is in, again, provided that all the necessary conditions that will make a “free” commodity exchange to function properly. But there are a number of both conceptual and practical problems with the EXC.

A. Transparency: For more than a year, we have been looking for the identity of the officers and regulators of the ECX. As everyone knows, such a disclosure of the identity, background and financial interest of the individuals and the businesses involved in the exchange is paramount to the well-functioning and transparency of any commodity and financial exchange institution. We are happy to see, after more than a year of not doing so, the ECX putting out the identity of the officers, the regulators and trading members on the official website, but a detailed public record of those individuals and companies is necessary.

B. Market Information (lack of): The ECX on its only official website claims information being delivered all over the country through Radio, Television, and SMS. But it failed to inform us that there is no privately owned media infrastructure in the country. It failed to honestly inform the reader and the observer that not only the government owned and operated media outlets are biased but their usefulness to market participants is almost non-existent (for example, the internet penetration rates as compared to the rest of the world is only 0.02%!) The claim that market information is transmitted all over the country is, therefore, misleading and false.

C. Credit: Transparency of financing is a critical component of commodity trade. However, in addition to the listing of some of the ‘private’ banks, it is important to fully disclose the role of the government and the involvement of the ruling party owned credit establishments, particularly their relations to the private banks.

D. Storage: As a government agency, the ECX owns and operates the largest storage facilities. In so doing, it enjoys complete dominance in the storage of commodities throughout the country, thereby making this same government agency the price-maker. Everyone involved knows that impartiality to the private traders does not exist and the government is crowding out private storage operators. Moreover, another government agency, the Ethiopian Grain Trade Enterprise (EGTE), which is the largest grain purchaser in the country, is a member-trader of the exchange, owns major storage, transportation facilities throughout the country and directly competes against private traders. It has been recently disclosed that the EGTE destabilized the commodity market, due to its market dominance and the preference it gets from the government, and yet, no mention of this fact is made by the CEO of the ECX.

E. Transportation: As mentioned earlier, the dominance of the Ethiopian Grain Trade Enterprise and the ruling party owned transportation operators are equally mentioned as private operators but they actually dominate its control. Such unequal relationship and favoritism is not only contrary to the normal operations of a market but the lack of disclosure their dominance, favoritism party owned parastatals, and their unfettered access to government regulators exacerbates the lack of trust on the part of the ECX.

F. Regulation: The government officials who are listed as regulators, including the Prime Minister’s involvement in the ECX’s affairs are the major causes of market destabilization and the failure of the exchange as a market institution.

In addition, the ruling party affiliated traders, financers, transporters, and exporters should have been banned from the exchange. The Prime Minster as the leader of his party must disclosed his party owned enterprises and their financial interests to the public before they are permitted in the exchange. Moreover, the ECX should have disclosed the names of the donor countries and international institutions that are financing the establishment of the exchange, including their financial interests and how they would be accountable for any improprieties that either their agents or those whom they support could commit. They should have demanded the disclosure of the financial interests of the officers as well. Unfortunately, none of the above disclosures are made so far, thereby creating an appearance of conflict of interest.

In conclusion, based on the problems listed above and other issues, there is a lack of market information, lack of contract enforcement, and a lack of trust on the ECX. In particular, the asymmetric information (those who are close to the government possessing all the information and outright favoritism) has been damaging to the ECX and will continue to be so.

Furthermore, let it be known that no commodity exchange will work (let alone function and assist the 82 million Ethiopians) without transparency and accountability. Let it be known that there are no commodity exchange markets that have flourished under repressive, parasitic, nepotistic and oligarchic regimes as it exists in Ethiopia. Let it be known that there is no “free commodity exchange” where repression is the order of the day, where the Ethiopian people are so petrified by the repression of Meles Zenawi’s regime that they are leaving their country in drones. We believe there are better ways to feed starving Ethiopians, currently over ten million of them being dependent international food aid. Let it be known that a commodity exchange, no matter how glittery it may seem, will not work in a malaise economy and with people under increasingly grinding poverty.

Let it be known that there is no true commodity exchange in a country where group of people who claim to represent a minority ethnic group, who have illegally transferred the means of production to themselves and the parastatals they fully control. Let it be known that the ECX adventure has been an exercise in futility, in part because the circumstances for a true commodity exchange system to function do not exist and in part because, as it became evident by Meles Zenawi’s “cutting of the hands” of the Ethiopian coffee exporters, the entire exercise is designed to have full control of the commanding heights of the Ethiopian economy.

It is also about time for those renowned journalists to speak on behalf of their colleagues, members of the Ethiopian independent media whose businesses have been closed, who have languished in the prisons of Meles Zenawi with concocted up charges and who have been forced into exile. There is no and cannot be a free commodity exchange market under such repressive circumstances.
It is about time to recognize that millions of Ethiopians get hurt with such gimmickry and uncalled for hypes. … Let it be known that the ECX is another well orchestrated gimmick, one of those government set up mega projects which are designed to control both the outputs and prices of the Ethiopian farmers, particularly the commodities which are the source of foreign exchange. Let be known that, as the saying goes: “all that glitters is not really gold!”

Let there be no more hypes, no more deceptions. Most importantly, it is time for those enablers of Meles’s greedy and kleptocratic regime that the creation of hypes real consequences. As a gimmickry mega project, the ECX has been and will be used to both squander the meager resources of the country and as means of controlling the outputs of the Ethiopian peasants. Let it be known that those who are a part of this process, including those at the helm of the ECX will be accountable for what they have done to Ethiopia and its people.

(The author, Dr. Seid Hassan, is a professor at Murray State University. He can be reached at Seid.hassan@murraystate.edu)

South Africa: Ethiopian refugees in peril

Wednesday, July 29th, 2009

By Tizita Belachew | VOA

Johannesburg — Yilma Shoa Taye, a representative of 94 Ethiopians, reports they have been evicted from the Ebenezer Care Center where they have been sheltered for two months.

He says Sister Shelley expelled them from the care center when their UNCHR funding ran out and a tribal leader in the community said neighbors would slaughter the more than 119 refugees in her compound.

The day after VOA reported 94 Ethiopian refugees found homeless and defenseless outside the gates of the Ebenezer Care Center, help arrived.

Amnesty International called the South African police, who provided 24-hour protection for the 94 Ethiopian refugees and a dozen others who had been expelled from the center. A member of the city council sought renewal of UNCHR funding and requested they be readmitted to the center. Yilma reports that President Jacob Zuma has been on the radio denouncing threats of violence against refugees.

Bekele Geleta's mission to make the world a less dangerous place

Wednesday, July 29th, 2009

By Sarah Freeman | Yorkshire Post

The life story of Bekele Geleta could easily be turned into a bestselling novel. Born in Ethiopia to a poor family, he worked his way out of poverty to secure a job in charge of a railway company. Determined to fight for workers rights,his inability to turn a blind eye to injustice saw him imprisoned for five years. When released, he left Ethiopia – arriving in Canada with his wife and four children as refugees. Two decades later, he found himself named as general secretary of the Red Cross.

“Yes I suppose my life has been quite eventful,” he says, shortly after collecting an honorary degree from Leeds University, where he studied for a Masters in economics 35 years before. “I have known vulnerability first hand and I have always felt very strongly that as human beings we need to help those less fortunate.”

While Bekele may be quietly spoken, his modesty belies his lifelong determination to make the world a better place. The five years he spent as a political prisoner from 1978 to 1982 taught him that good can come out of even the most dire situations and when he was finally released he never looked back.

“If you ask me why I was imprisoned, the honest answer is I don’t know. I was just doing my job, but the authorities didn’t like it,” he says. “Prison was a big shock, but you have to make the best of it. There were a lot of intelligent people in there and we started our own school. It was a way of keeping ourselves busy, but it was also about
giving those who hadn’t had access to education a better chance on the outside.

“Teaching others was our own way of coping.”

After being released, Bekele decided to make a new life for himself in Canada. After being granted leave to stay, he quickly became involved in humanitarian work, eventually securing a position with the Red Cross. Having now found himself at the top of the organisation after seeing first-hand the impact of natural and man-made disasters, he knows his aims have to be realistic.

“The world is not getting any better, but you know what, it’s not getting worse either,” he says. “There will always be disasters and hopefully organisations like the Red Cross will always be there to help. We are lucky in that we have a special relationship not just with the communities in which we work, but with world governments. No other civil society has a presence in every country. The Red Cross is known everywhere by everybody, it’s an organisation people feel they can rely on and that’s as it should be.”

In his previous position, Bekele oversaw the rebuilding of thousands of homes wiped out by the devastating Boxing Day tsunami. The project in Indonesia was, he says, one of his proudest achievements, but with no one knowing what fresh disaster will be wrought as climate change takes its grip on the world, Red Cross resources could soon be even more stretched. In 2007, 200 million people were affected by natural disaster, an increase of 40 per cent on the previous year and the effect of flooding in countries like Pakistan and Bangladesh has already shown the chaos and human misery caused by severe weather systems.

“Globally, we all need to think about the increasing number of natural disasters,” says Bekele. “We are all contributing to climate change and we all need to take responsibility.

“When disasters happen the first hours are crucial, that’s when most lives can be saved. In the Red Cross we are lucky in that we have a huge amount of volunteers all across the world and over the years we have worked hard to build up resources in the most vulnerable places.

“Disasters never stop, conflicts will not end and people’s differences will always divide us, but despite all of that there is an overwhelming impulse of human beings to help others in need.

“At the Red Cross we may not always make the right decisions, but every life saved and every livelihood improved is an achievement and together we can all make a big difference.”

Ethiopian man indicted in Indianapolis bank robbery shooting

Wednesday, July 29th, 2009

INDIANAPOLIS (AP) — An Indianapolis man has been indicted on federal charges that he shot a postal carrier in the face during a bank robbery.

The U.S. attorney’s office says 43-year-old Brook Abebe, an immigrant from Ethiopia, was charged Tuesday with armed bank robbery and firearm violations. If convicted on all counts, he could face 10 years to life in prison, although Assistant U.S Attorney James M. Warden says life sentences are rare.

A phone message seeking comment was left with Abebe’s attorney.

Abebe is accused of shooting Robert Norman of Franklin on July 2 when the postman following him outside after the robbery on the city’s southeast side.

Norman was released from the hospital July 10 after surgery on his eye socket and shattered cheekbone.

Ethiopia under siege

Wednesday, July 29th, 2009

By Yilma Bekele

Siege is a strong term. It is normally used to describe a war situation. The invading army resorts to siege when it encounters a fortress or robust defense it cannot overcome easily. When a siege occurs the enemy surrounds the city or fortification and does not allow reinforcements to come in or permit those inside to escape.

The most famous modern day siege is that of the ‘Siege of Leningrad’ by Nazi troops during World War II. It lasted twenty-nine months. The Soviet Union lost over a million and half people. We are witnessing ‘Gaza under siege’ by Israel as you are reading this article. Human history is full of atrocities as such.

Our country Ethiopia is under siege. We are not under invasion by a foreign force. Who needs enemies when you have friends so they say. We are under siege by a homegrown enemy. We find ourselves in the most unenviable situation of crying wolf but the wolf is us. We are in a strange predicament and it is very confusing to outsiders and ourselves.

You can rally people around a foreign enemy. The enemy is identifiable. The enemy is easy to target. The brain is more willing to accept the definition of ‘enemy’. What we got in Ethiopia is blurred vision. The enemy has watered down the definition. The enemy is also relentless. The whole country is one battleground. No one is immune from being incorporated or made into a subsidiary.

Why would anybody want to destroy Ethiopia is a good question. What a diabolical thing to say or think is a rational reaction. Are you sure Ethiopia is the target is a common response. On the other hand we could be victims of what is known as the ‘law of unintended consequences’. This is how Wikipedia defines the law.

The “law of unintended consequences” (also called the “law of unforeseen consequences”) states that any purposeful action will produce some unintended consequences…

Stated in other words, each cause more than one effect and these effects will invariably include at least one unforeseen side effect. The unintended side effect can potentially be more significant than any of the intended effects.

This is a good point as any trying to understand our current crisis. What exactly was Ato Meles fighting for? How did he go about to attain that goal?

He started as an ethnic study group and formed an ethnic liberation organization. Although all those before him and around him were organized as a multi-national he choose the ethnic road.

There lies the fork on the road. His organization took the easy path. They choose to fight injustice by rallying around primitive ethnicity rather than nationality. It was a short cut.

Our current dilemma has been brewing for eighteen years or so but the seeds were planted over forty years ago. The late sixties and seventies were a time of turmoil. There were two super powers and two contending ideologies. The West was vilified due to its history of colonialism and the then war in Vietnam. Marxism was getting acceptance in the new emerging nations. Our country’s intellectuals were drawn into this philosophy to solve the many problems facing our country. The two questions of land ownership and good governance were the main issues.

We gave birth to the military junta. It was a miscarriage. Despite the Derge lasting seventeen years it was an utter failure in bringing about a positive change. We were caught between the East and the West and we were not ready or able to play that game. Everything our forefathers taught us was turned upside down. All that we learned in thousands of years were discarded in a matter of days. All that which made us Ethiopian was declared old, backward, reactionary and other not favorable adjectives. We know for a fact that most of our core beliefs were challenged and ruled unfit for the new Ethiopia.

Our current leaders are the children of that era. Meles and company built their new psudo ideology on that premise. They also took the then ascending theory of socialism as a dogma instead of a scientific philosophy to be interpreted and reinterpreted as situations change. As Lenin bastardized scientific Marxism to suit his notion of the petty bourgeois seizing power in the name of the proletariat, as Mao Tse Tung reinterpreted Lenin and substituted the peasantry for the petty bourgeois our own TPLF came up with the notion of ethnic based organization to seize and hold power.

We are all products of our environment despite what some US Senators tried to claim otherwise during the recent hearing during Judge Sotomayor’s confirmation. Ato Meles and his mentor Aboy Sebhat are perfect specimens of this assertion. Ato Meles and his comrade’s tunnel vision came from their insular upbringing in the little Village of Adwa. For Meles and company someone born in Hawzen down street from Adwa is an outsider. The rest of Ethiopia is a foreign land. It will not be farfetched to claim that it was during his trip to Addis to attend high school that Ato Meles even met an Oromo, a Gurage or a Sidama.

The many years they spent fighting the Derge was not spent in devising solutions to bring about change but rather sharpening the skills necessary to control and subjugate others. The many writings by ex TPLF members show that disproportionate amount of resources were allocated to eliminating internal dissent rather than building a democratic institution. It is not far fetched to assert that TPLF killed or exiled more Tigrean than the Derge.

What exactly did they bring with them when they marched into Addis as victors on that fateful day in 1991? They brought with them the concept of Kilil, a new revised ethnic map and a new flag. All these years fighting and this is all they have to show for it? Unfortunately this is it! No new agenda to improve agriculture, no new program to encourage rebuilding of industries or learning centers or no new idea to return our old nation on the path of reclaiming our eminence place in Africa.

It was the Derge dressed up in civilian uniform. They were happy to inherit all Derge institutions that were set up for coercion. They took ‘Kebele’ organizations and replaced the heads not the function, they appropriated internal security intact and installed their trained killers and psychos as people in charge. They inherited all land and property as state asset. They transferred state owned industries to EFFORT and called it privatization. They changed the name of their ideology from Marxism-Leninism and Enver Hoxha thought to Revolutionary Democracy.

The last eighteen years they went about looting everything that is of any value. In the words of Aboy Sebhat they built EFFORT as the premier corporation in the country. That claim is incorrect. They robed from Ethiopia. To think TPLF leaders who have never worked for a living, never paid bills from their hard earned income, never even have a simple bank account in their name but were able to build such an enterprise is absurd. It is not an exaggeration to claim EFFORT is bigger than Ethiopia. TPLF is one gigantic wealth sucking vacuum devise with tentacles in all aspect of the life of our people.

Transportation is owned by the Foreign Minister, Sugar is owned by the Military Generals, Brewery is owned by advisors, building and engineering is owned by party hacks, telecommunications and media is owned by the first lady, banking is owned by the party, coffee and other commodities are under the new exchange (TPLF subsidiary) and so on so forth. There isn’t a single aspect of movement of capital in the country without the involvement of TPLF or its subsidiaries.

This is where the ‘law of unintended consequences come in.’ Ato Meles and company organized this huge machine to loot and pillage. Think of TPLF as the parasite and Ethiopia the host. The parasite has been feeding wantonly for the last eighteen years. The host is dying. The well being of the parasite has the exact opposite effect on the host. The parasite is fat and flabby. The host is just skin and bones. The natural outcome is for both host and parasite to perish. It is possible the parasite can move on and find another host. But the host is too weak to survive. Other parasites are hovering to devour what is left of it.

On the other hand the host can wake up from its long slumber and develop an anti biotic to save it self. In this scenario the host did develop a vaccine to protect itself. Kinijit was the vaccine. It was not a fully developed vaccine. The parasite was able to adapt. It was mimicking the HIV virus. It became a moving target. What is required is what is known as a ‘cocktail’ drug. Scientists found out that HIV develops resistance to every antiviral drug and once one drug fails the whole combination is not effective anymore. The trick was finding the right combination of drugs. Kinijit was stuck on the concept of working within the system. A single drug solution. But TPLF was like our HIV lentivirus. One drug alone is not enough. Like the HIV scientists we have to come up with a ‘cocktail’ of resistance combinations. Some call it ‘hulegeb tigil’.

Now TPLF have come to another crossroads. This unquenchable thirst they have to amass wealth is creating its own contradictions. The well is in the process of drying up. What to do? Of course there is always the option of skipping town in the cover of darkness. But that will be admitting guilt thus hunting them down becomes a simple process. There is always the possibility of fanning civil war. But the ensuing chaos might consume them too. Except for a few million stashed away in foreign banks most of the wealth is still sitting in Ethiopia. With modern forensic accounting every penny deposited outside can be traced and any way what is the point of having it if you can’t enjoy it. Their unabashed greed is becoming their undoing.

In an attempt to understand their destructive polices we ascribe such explanations as their hate towards our country, being Eritrean (good old Eritrea always there) their vow to destroy our old kingdom or their grand plan to liberate Tigre as a nation. I have never been comfortable looking into people’s motives. I am more interested in their action. The action of the TPLF mafia group is that of a petty thief but on a national scale.

The issue in front of us is that the cadres are in the process of destroying our homeland. The question put to each and every one of us is what are you going to do about it? Yes, you what is your next move. You can sit in a coffee house or a family gathering and recount the many horror stories of TPLF and company. You can even blame the opposition for not uniting or for splitting into factions at a drop of a hat. Unfortunately that would not absolve you of your responsibilities. Why you want to shift responsibility unto others is strange. You still have not answered the question what are you doing about it? Fighting injustice takes many forms. We all are not cut out to be solders. What is asked of us is to contribute positively to liberate our homeland so we have some place to go at the end of the day.
What is universally clear is no masters have voluntarily let his slaves go, no colonialist have granted freedom without a fight, no dictator have vacated power without struggle. Ato Meles and his inner group have to be forced to see the dead end road they are traveling. It is not about rational discussion with irrational people. Their greed is their Achilles heel. Their perceived economic strength is their vulnerability. That is where we should concentrate our fire. We don’t have to bring them down. We just have to make them stagger and they will fall.

As Henry Thoreau said ‘there are thousands hacking at the branches of evil to one who is striking at the roots…’ don’t tell me you are still hacking at the branches!

* http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Unintended_consequence

A mysterious disease kills 18 in Ethiopia

Tuesday, July 28th, 2009

ADDIS ABABA (AFP) – A mysterious disease has killed 18 people and affected around 150 others in central Ethiopia, the UN humanitarian office said Monday.

“Although the signs and symptoms of the disease include headache, fever, neck stiffness, diarrhea and vomitting — all related to meningitis, the specific disease has not yet been confirmed,” it said in a statement.

The Office for the Co-ordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) said the disease erupted on July 4.

Meanwhile, an outbreak of typhoid fever has killed one person and affected more than 100 in the northern Tigray region, OCHA said, adding that 11 others have also died of acute watery diarrhea across the country.

The Horn of Africa nation is also facing food shortages in some parts with over six million of its people needing food aid due to poor rains, according to the UN.

Ethiopia is Africa’s second most populous country after Nigeria with around 77 million inhabitants.

Holyfield Ethiopia boxing match postponed

Tuesday, July 28th, 2009

ADDIS ABABA (AFP) — Former world heavyweight champion Evander Holyfield’s exhibition match in Ethiopia has been postponed for September, his opponent Sammy Retta told AFP on Monday.

The fight, to raise funds for AIDS, was set to take place in Addis Ababa on July 26, but organisers had to reschedule after a request from the government.

“The government wanted the match to correspond with Ethiopia’s new year celebrations on September 11, so we both agreed,” Retta said in a phone interview.

Retta, an Ethiopian-born American, is a 35-year-old with a record of 18 wins and three losses in super-middleweight bouts.

At 230 pounds, he now outweighs his more illustrious rival.

The bout was also meant to serve as a warm-up for four-time world champion Holyfield, who targeted another crack at the world title in September.

Retta however, claimed that the 46-year-old’s managers had also postponed that match for an undisclosed date in December.

Holyfield failed to clinch a fifth title during his last attempt late last year when he lost to Russian Valuev.

Valuev, the tallest and heaviest champion of all-time according to experts, is currently the holder of the World Boxing Association title.

The September fight will rank as one of the highest-profile all-American boxing bouts on African soil since the legendary 1974 “Rumble in the Jungle” that pitted Muhammad Ali against George Foreman in the former Zaire.

A member of Ethiopia's fake parliament defects to the U.S.

Tuesday, July 28th, 2009

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia — Ethiopian Review Intelligence Unit has learned that a member of the Woyanne rubber-stamp parliament, Ato Mesfin Ayalew, has applied for political asylum a few days ago after arriving in the U.S. for a visit.

Ato Mesfin was elected to the parliament from Woreda 11 of Addis Ababa as a Kinijit candidate. When the Meles tribal junta rounded up Kinijit leaders sent them to jail following its defeat, Mesfin joined other opportunists in entering the fake parliament as a member of Lidetu Ayalew’s EDP.

Ethiopia Commodity Exchange and its effect on the coffee sector

Monday, July 27th, 2009

By Wondwossen Mezlekia

In the past few weeks, too many readers asked me to share my views on the Ethiopian Commodity Exchange (ECX) and wanted to know what I think about its effects on the Ethiopian coffee sector in general, and the Specialty coffee industry in particular. I was also asked similar questions by producers of the PBS Wide Angle program that released this documentary program featuring Eleni Gebre-Medhin, founder of the ECX.

While I continue to respond to as many of your emails as I can, I also thought it might be useful to post my comments here on the blog for everyone else to see. So, in the coming couple of days, I will post my views on the most frequently asked questions: What’s your view on the ECX in general; What do you think are the effect of trading through the ECX on specialty coffee exporters and buyers; Is ECX good for coffee growers?

Today, I share my views on the ECX in general as an introduction and to clarify my stance before I raise issues that may easily confuse readers although, to my knowledge, none of the problems I will discuss here are related to or the makings of ECX or Eleni – the person that I admire most and is being celebrated by the PBS documentary on July 22, 2009.

My views on the ECX in general

I think the establishment of the ECX is significant and of a historic proportion.

As I jokingly tell friends, in Ethiopia, major development breakthroughs happen on a periodic cycle of time spanning either 20 or 100 years on average. For example, I listed below a non-exhaustive timeline for Ethiopia’s introduction of the major communication technologies and platforms:

1894 – Postal service started on March 9, 1984 (In 1908, Ethiopia became member of the Universal Postal Union and the first Ethiopian stamps were also printed and sold around this time; in 1936, the General Post Office and two branch offices were established in Addis Ababa as well as thirty-six post offices throughout the country.)

1917 – The first train services from the coast to the capital were inaugurated only in 1917 (A concession for the construction of a railway from the Ethiopian capital to the French Somali port of Djibouti was granted by Menelik as early as March 1894)

1984 – The first extensive open-wire line telecommunication system laid out linking the capital with all the important administrative cities of the country (the Imperial Telecommunications Board of Ethiopia was established by Proclamation 131/53 in 1953)

2008 – The first commodity exchange market established. The person credited for this triumph, Eleni Gebre-Medhin, is featured on this documentary film.

Based on this snapshot of historic timeline, some historians may be tempted to draw conclusions that the establishment of the ECX was overdue by about 4 years because the latest major breakthrough was recorded in 1984 – 24 years prior to the ECX’ formation. I lean towards supporting the argument that it was overdue by over a hundred years.

So, it is my belief and hope that Ethiopians will be grateful for and appreciative of the work done by Eleni and her colleagues for the next many years.

The ECX can play important roles in elevating the agricultural sector’s efficiency, the country’s competitiveness in the global market, and thereby helping the people dig themselves out of the vicious circle of poverty that we are shamefully plagued in.

A transparent and efficient exchange market system nurtures competition and benefits everyone in the value chain. The ECX can help Ethiopia by:

• modernizing the way people do business and improving the marketing channels,
• disseminating market and price information, and
• providing a marketplace where buyers and sellers can come together to trade and be assured of quality, delivery, and payment.

These will have a ripple effect of benefiting everyone in the value chain. Obviously, this cannot be achieved overnight. Transforming a century old gloomy trading system takes time.

I think, the first year of trading coffee through ECX was marred by problems and confusion. While the efforts made by ECX to take on a crop of global importance shortly after its launch is admirable, the strategies it went by to integrate the trade were far from being flawless. From the outset, ECX declared that it aims at creating a national standard commodity coffee classification system; it eliminated direct trade and traceability; and enticed the government to controlling the value chain from farm gate to the border. These changes have had remarkable effects on coffee exporters, buyers, growers, and the coffee sector at large.

I. Homogeneous National Coffee Brand

For a country with millions of poor people, the temptation of utilizing the high paying fewer coffee brands to drive sales and increase the value of the country’s overall coffee production is high. That very thought has played a role in ECX’ decision to homogenize all coffees grown in the same region through a standard commodity classification system.

This is clearly stated in the whitepaper released in April 2009 by the ECX titled: What is in a Bean? ECX and the Specialty Coffee Market. It reads, “We take the strong view that a significant majority of Ethiopian coffees have the potential to be considered fine coffees, and can be sold in the domestic market as such, with appropriate certification. The ECX model not only promotes the specialty coffee segment but also do so in such a way as to benefit the small farmer as well.”

The document does not indicate how ECX’ new system will benefit the small farmers but it stands firm by the assumptions and subsequent conclusions.

“The recent policy decision to include trading of all coffees within the Exchange is based on the strategic thinking that the [following] set of assumptions [is] correct:

1) A significant majority of washed Sidama and Yirgachefe and unwashed Harar could be considered specialty-plus in that they are branded and trademarked and have the potential to meet the fine coffee standards;
2) A significant majority of all Ethiopian coffees have the potential to be considered organic and obtain certification;
3) A significant portion of unwashed coffee can be promoted as forest coffee and/or bird friendly.”

Although these assumptions are based on indisputable facts, they are not exhaustive enough to justify the conclusions drawn by the ECX. The fact that Ethiopia has the potential to increase its coffee qualities to the standards preferred by the global Specialty coffee industry does not give good reason for an immediate homogenization and an automatic upgrade of the classes of the whole coffee production. Ethiopia’s coffee cannot be sold as Specialty coffees only because the country wanted or decided to. In a buyers’ market, such as in the global Specialty coffee trade, unfortunately, the final say is not that of producers’ but the buyers’. Specialty coffee buyers and roasters decide which plot to invest in and which crop to buy.

The alternative is for the country to invest in quality, branding, and slick marketing of its products to set itself apart from the competition and convince buyers. That way, Ethiopia could create the demand and subsequently the market for the coffee brands it wishes to create. This is, however, a daunting task and an expensive venture for Ethiopia, the poorest country in the world. In the absence of these endeavors, countries like Ethiopia are bound to the terms of the global coffee trade, at least for the foreseeable future.

The measures taken by the government to force sell all coffees through the ECX platform and ECX’ decision to standardize the coffee grades into a national brand while, in ECX’ estimation, only about 3.7% of the country’s coffee production qualifies to be branded as a Specialty coffee, may cost the nation dearly. The farmers that are already producing the finest coffees will be the immediate victims of the new system as they are forced to give up the premium prices they are paid by buyers for their exceptional produce. Because, as soon as their coffees are blended with other coffees grown in the same region (in order to boost up the wholesale price for good of the country), these farmers lose their entitlement to the premium status their produce commands. This is unfair to the poor farmers.

Unless the ECX system of trading coffee as a commodity is corrected promptly, in the long term, the strategy risks watering-down the nation’s coffee brands. Such a strategy undermines the superior standards some of the brands earned over the years and the result will be commoditizing the country’s valuable crop.

II. No Direct Trade, No Traceability

Specialty coffee buyers and roasters are puzzled and in panic over the ECX system. The biggest issue for these buyers is the loss of transparency and traceability. They need assurances that the bundle they want is the bundle they will get. The new system does not allow direct trade for single-origin coffee because it promotes the traditional trade relations model where commodity coffee sales is brokered in bulk, thus no traceability. The new system basically lumps together bundles of coffees into a generic class-type-grade combo.

Independent millers who used to buy coffee from farmers, mill it, escort it through the former auction systems, and export it are no longer allowed to do so. They are now required to sell the beans to the ECX, where its origin is lost. The possibility of tracing a bag of coffee to its origins is eliminated in this process. The ECX promises a secure inventory management and a guaranteed warehouse receipts system that ensures “zero delivery default and reduces mixing of coffee origins” during the marketing process. But, as far as buyers are concerned, traceability is lost because there is no way of proving whether the plot they will receive is the one they wanted.

This is remarkable because while the global coffee industry is increasingly moving towards greater transparency of coffee origins, tracing back all the way to individual plots of land, the Ethiopian system is heading in the opposite direction.

III. Government’s Hands in the Bag

The third effect on the exporters and farmers has to do with the government’s intervention.

While it is good that the new exchange system replaced the murky auction centers, unfortunately, it also tempted the government to enter into the market as a major player. Some private businesses are now effectively locked out of the market and, in an unprecedented move, the government has emerged with a strong control over the coffee sector.

In what played out early this year as a reaction to some of the major exporters’ hesitance to sell their coffee stocks at the prevailing prices if sold through the ECX, the government confiscated coffee beans from the exporters and also tasked the state owned profit-making enterprise called Ethiopian Grain Trade Enterprise (EGTE) with exporting coffee. This crack down on the exporters had a devastating impact on some roasters and their relationship with the country as the country failed to fulfill its contractual agreements during the last harvest season. Also, it raised the question of what else would the government do in the future.

The ECX is currently negotiating with representatives of the Specialty Coffee Association of America (SCAA) and others to resolve this one problem. In the mean time, as the next harvest season approaches, the EGTE appears to be very well positioned to claim the biggest market share in the country’s coffee export.

Domestically, this level of engagement by the government in exporting beans produced by smallholder families is alarming because of the imbalance of power and the obvious conflicts of interest. The government has its influences in almost everything from policy making, distribution of farm inputs, capital, to the land. This is the farthest one can get away from a free market system.

All these affect farmers as their sales volume is directly dependent on the volume sold by exporters.

(The writer can be reached at poorfarmer@gmail.com)

Canadian citizen faces death penalty in Ethiopia

Monday, July 27th, 2009

By David McDougall | Globe and Mail

A Canadian citizen imprisoned in Ethiopia for two-and-a-half years, has been convicted by a civilian [kangaroo] court in Addis Ababa on three charges relating to his alleged involvement in an Ethiopian separatist movement.

Bashir Makhtal, a former Toronto resident now in his 40s, is the grandson of one of the founding members of the Ogaden National Liberation Front, though he claims he has no connection with the movement.

“He was prepared for it. He was not surprised at all,” said Mr. Makhtal’s lawyer in Ethiopia, Gebreamlak Tekele .

Mr. Makhtal is due to be sentenced on Monday and could face life imprisonment or death, though his lawyer says they plan to appeal the conviction.

Mr. Makhtal was arrested by Kenyan authorities in December, 2006, as he attempted to cross the border from Somalia on a Canadian passport in an effort to escape fighting between Ethiopia and Somalia’s Union of Islamic Courts, an Islamist militia.

Mr. Makhtal claims he was in Mogadishu on a business trip, preparing to receive a shipment of used clothing from Dubai.

He was never charged in Kenya. Instead, after several weeks in custody, he was sent to Ethiopia where he essentially disappeared, held incommunicado in solitary confinement and denied consular access for nearly two years.

Pressure from the Canadian government is believed to have helped persuade Ethiopia to give Mr. Makhtal some semblance of a judicial process. But today’s conviction brings to an end a trial that both human rights groups and Mr Makhtal warned would be unfair.

“It’s been a foregone conclusion,” said Lorne Waldman, the Toronto lawyer retained by Mr. Makhtal’s family to represent his case in Canada. “Any independent observer knows that the judicial system in Ethiopia is not independent.”

“The key issue for us now is whether the Canadian government will take appropriate steps to ensure that he is repatriated.”

Malaysian oil and gas giant Petronas to drill in Ogaden

Monday, July 27th, 2009

Addis Ababa (The Reporter) — The Malaysian oil and gas giant, Petronas, is to start drilling the first exploration well in the Ogaden basin.

Petronas will soon start drilling two wells in its concession area in the Genele block. The company has hired a Dubai based company, Weather Ford, which will conduct seismic survey and drill the exploration wells. Recently, Weather Ford started mobilizing its drilling crew, drilling rigs and machines for conducting seismic surveys in the region.

Reliable sources told The Reporter that Weather Ford has agreed to drill exploration wells in the Genale block, block 11 and 15. Sources said Weather Ford is mobilizing its crew and drilling rigs. Weather Ford is engaged in oil and gas exploration work in the Middle East. Petronas conducted various surveys in the Ogaden. However, it did not drill wells.

In 2004 Zhongyuan Petroleum Exploration Bureau (ZPEB), a Chinese company, was contracted by Petronas to do seismic survey and drill exploration wells in the Gambella block owned by Petronas. Petronas acquired the Gambella block, covering about 16,000 sq. km of land, in June 2003. ZPEB collected seismic data on 1500 km. Accordingly, in 2005 ZPEB drilled the first wild cat well in Jikaw locality, only 175 km from the Ethio-Sudan border. The company drilled the second well in Jakaranda locality in 2006. Both wells were dry. Petronas spent 32 million dollars for the drillings and testing. ZPEB withdrew from Gambella after it finalized its work in 2006.

However, the same year, Petronas hired ZPEB to conduct seismic survey in the Ogaden basin. In July 2005, Petronas acquired three blocks in the Ogaden basin – Genale block (24,420 Sq km, Kallafo 30,612 sq.km and Welwel-Warder 36,796 sq.km). In 2006, ZPEB started collecting seismic data in the three blocks.

In October 2006 South West Energy hired ZPEB to do seismic survey in the Ogaden basin. In December 2005, South West Energy, a company owned by an Ethiopian businessman, acquired a Degehabur block covering 21,187 sq. km of land. In January 2007, ZPEB commenced collecting seismic data in the Degehabur block. On 24 Apil 2007 the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) attacked the Abole exploration site in the Degehabur zone of the Somali Regional State. Seventy-four civilians, including nine Chinese, were killed in the attack. Seven Chinese workers were abducted by ONLF fighters. However, they were released after two weeks. Following the attack in May 2007, ZPEB evacuated all its employees working in Ethiopia. Although the Ethiopian government tried hard to convince officials of ZPEB and SINOPEC to resume operations the companies declined to send their technicians back to Ogaden. ZPEB had terminated all the projects in Ethiopia.

It is to be recalled that Petronas agreed to develop the Callub and Hillala gas fields and paid the Ethiopian government 80 million dollars. The agreement was signed in 2007. However, the company has not started work on the project. Sources told The Reporter that it was related to security issues. Petronas had a plan to build a gas treatment plant. The company planned to construct a gas pipeline that stareches from the gas fields all the way to Djibouti. The total investment cost is estimated at 1.9 billion dollars.

A senior company official said the natural gas reserve in Calub and Hilala was estimated at 118 billion cu.m. adding that it was a small reserve compared to other reserves. It requires a lot of money to develop the natural gas. So the company is saying that it must discover additional reserves and build a gas treatment plant,” the official said.

In a related news, Pexco, a company based in Malaysia, started seismic survey in its concession in the Ogaden. White Nile, Lundin, South West Energy, and Afar Explorations are in the process of starting seismic survey in their concession areas. Pexco has conducted airborne magnetic and gravity survey in the Ogaden basin. The results of the magnetic and gravity survey were evaluated by the ministry.

Ethiopian scientist Dereje Agonafer to receive award

Monday, July 27th, 2009

Ethiopian-American professor Dereje Agonafer is due to receive award for excellence in research and development related to electronic packaging (Science and Engineering).

Prof. Dereje Agonafer will receive the 2009 InterPACK Excellence Award in San Francisco this July, 2009. Such award and recognition in the areas of science and engineering will motivate young Ethiopians and Ethiopian-American students.

Awardees are selected because they have demonstrated excellence and international recognition in the area of research and development related to electronic packaging, as well as service to the technical community at large.

Previous winners of this award are Dr. Alan Kraus, Dr. Wataru Nakayama, Dr. Richard Chu, and Prof. Avi Bar-Cohen. Dr. William T. Chen, President of IEEE CPMT Society; and Senior Technical Advisor for ASE will also receive the award.

InterPACK ’09 is an international forum for exchange of state-of-the art knowledge in research, development, manufacturing, and application on the packaging and integration of Electronic and Photonic Systems, MEMS (Micro Electo-Mechanical Systems), and NEMS(Nano-electro Mechanical Systems). This conference will be the 10th in the InterPACK series that began in 1993. It is the flagship technical meeting of the ASME Electronic and Photonic Packaging Division (EPPD), with the participation of JSME, IEEE-CPMT, and iNEMI.

Biography

Professor Dereje Agonafer has always been very active in professional society programs. He has been Guest Editor of special issues of The Journal of Electronic Packaging, The Journal of Heat Transfer, and IEEE’s Transactions on Components, Packaging, and Manufacturing Technology. He has published extensively both journals and conference papers and has 8 issued patents. Since 2002, he has been a member of the “ASME Technical Executive Committee.” He was Editor in Chief, “Gordon and Breach Book Series in Electronic Packaging (1997-2000),” and has and continues to serve as an Associate Technical Editor, “ASME Journal of Electronic Packaging (2001-2007).” He is currently the Editor in Chief of ASME Press Book Series in Electronic Packaging and the first book in that series was published in September 2002. From July 1997 – July 2000, he served as Chair of the ASME K-16 Committee in the Heat Transfer Division. He was Chair of the ASME Electrical and Photonic Packaging Division in 2000, and currently chairs the “Computer Aided Design in Electronic Packaging Committee” in the same division. Professor Agonafer has participated in numerous professional society meetings as session chair, panel moderator/panelist and conference leader. He has been involved very actively in ITHERM (Intersociety Conference on Thermal and Thermo Mechanical Phenomena in Electronic Systems) since the inception of the conference in 1988 and served as the Program Chair for 1994 ITHERM IV, and was the General Chair for 1996 ITHERM V held in Orlando, Fl. In 1995, at Semi-Therm in San Jose, Professor Agonafer teamed with Professor Sammakia, Professor Joshi and Dr. Sathe to teach a course entitled “Thermal Design of Electronic Systems: From Portables to Mainframes.” Since then, the four have teamed up and have taught the course a number of times at ITHERM and Interpack. Also, Professor Sammakia and Professor Agonafer offered a tutorial on “Fundamentals of Electronic Packaging” at IMECE 2003 (Washington, DC), IMECE 2004 (Anaheim, CA), Interpak 2005 and presented a similar workshop at IMECE 2005 in Orlando. He has also been actively involved with InterPACK Conference (The Pacific Rim/ASME International, Intersociety Electronic and Photonic Packaging Conference). Professor Agonafer was the General Chair of InterPACK ‘99, which was held in Maui, Hawaii, June 1999. In 1994, he led US delegates to the World Congress on Computational Mechanics in Chiba, Japan, to give an invited lecture. In September 1997, he gave an invited lecture at Therminc Workshop in Cannes, France, and a keynote lecture at the 10th International Heat Pipe Conference in Stuggart, Germany. In Summer 2000, he offered a number of courses in Japan, and in Summer 2001, he offered short courses in Singapore, Panang, Seoul, Taipei, Shanghai, Tokyo, and Osaka. In January 2005, he presented an invited seminar at the US/Africa Materials Workshop in Capetown, South Africa. In September 2006, he gave the opening keynote seminar at the “17th International Symposium on Transport Phenomena (ISTP-17)” in Toyama, Japan. In academic year 2007-2008, he gave invited seminars at Tufts University, North Eastern University, MIT and Harvard University. This past August, he was the luncheon speaker at the Summer Cooling Zone Summit held in Natick, Ma and will again do so at the upcoming cooling zone summit.

Professor Agonafer has been servin on the Scientific Advisory Board of an NSF Center, Mid-Infrared Technologies for Health and the Environment (MIRTHE) at Princeton University since 2007. He also serves on the Deans Engineering Advisory Committee at both University of Colorado and Howard University. Professor Agonafer is a Fellow of The American Society of Mechanical Engineers International (ASME) and Fellow of The American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS). He is also a member of IEEE, AIAA, ASEE and NSBE. In March 1996, he received the “The National Society of Black Engineers Alumni Extension Technologist of the Year” award. In April 1998, Professor Agonafer was the recipient of the “The University of Colorado School of Engineering Distinguished Engineering Alumni Award (DEAA) in the category of Research and Invention.” The award “represents the most significant honor the College gives and acknowledges the highest professional achievements. In November 1998, he received “The Howard University Distinguished PhD Alumni Award.” Also, in November 1998, he received “ASME K-16/EEPD Clock Award for Outstanding Contribution in Computer Aided Thermal Management of Electronic Packages.” In 2002, he received ASME International Electronic and Photonic Packaging Division Highest Division Award for “Outstanding Contributions to the Area of the Application of the Science and Engineering of Heat Transfer to Electronic and Photonic Packaging (http://secure.asme.org/honors_sup/hdetails.cfm?id=569). ” For the last 5 consecutive years, Professor Agonafer received an award from University of Texas at Arlington for having “A strong record of external funding and scholarly achievement.”

Each year since 1991 the IEEE SEMI-THERM Symposia honors a person as a Significant Contributor to the field of semiconductor thermal management. The THERMI award is intended to recognize a recipient’s history of contributions to important thermal issues affecting the performance of semiconductor devices, optoelectronics, MEMS or related systems. Nominees are typically leaders in the field of heat transfer in the disciplines of measurement, modeling and testing of microelectronic, optoelectronic and other technology devices and equipment. Professor Agonafer received the Thermi Award at the 24th Annual Semi-Therm, March 2008, in San Jose, California (http://www.semi-therm.org/thermi.html). In July 2009, he will deliver a keynote seminar in San Francisco as a recipient of the 2009 InterPACK Excellence Award as cited “A seal of Dereje’s excellence in research, standing and recognition in electronic packaging and a reflection of UTA’s rise within the international community.”

Professor Agonafer was at MIT as a MLK visiting scholar September 1, 2007 – August 31, 2008.

What is it the Ghanaians got, We ain't got?

Monday, July 27th, 2009

By Alemayehu G. Mariam

The Triumph of Multiparty Democracy in Ghana

Ghana has become the poster country for the triumph of multiparty democracy, stability and economic growth in Africa; and sadly, Ethiopia has been rendered the iconic failed African state ruled by a one-man, one-party dictatorship with widespread human rights violation. President Obama traveled to Accra recently to pay homage to Ghanaian democracy; but he did not miss the opportunity to be brutally frank with Africa’s brutal dictators: “History is on the side of these brave Africans and not with those who use coups or change Constitutions to stay in power. Africa doesn’t need strongmen, it needs strong institutions.”

It is an obvious question, but one that must be asked and answered: Why is democracy in motion in Ghana, and on life-support in Ethiopia? More bluntly, what do Ghanaians got, we ain’t got?

Two African Countries in Parallel Universes

Ethiopia and Ghana are a study in contrast. Both are unique among African countries. With the exception of a short-lived Italian occupation between 1936-41, Ethiopia has always maintained its freedom from colonial rule. Ghana was the first sub-Sahara African country to gain its independence from colonial rule in 1957. Both countries had leaders who were dedicated to African unity. Kwame Nkrumah was arguably the greatest advocate of pan-Africanism and African unity. Emperor Haile Selassie was arguably the most central figure in the formation of the Organization of African Unity, which he managed to headquarter in Ethiopia. Both Ethiopia and Ghana have suffered greatly at the hands of military strongmen. Mengistu Haile Mariam’s disastrous experiment in socialism between 1975-91 plunged Ethiopia into the abyss of economic and political chaos; and massive human rights violations were the hallmarks of that dictatorship. Mengistu fled to Zimbabwe in 1991 paving the way for the current dictators to cakewalk straight into political power. Since 1991, the current dictators have ruled Ethiopia by ethnically dividing the people and imposing their will with appalling brutality.

Between 1966-81, Ghana had successive military coups. Flight Lieutenant Jerry Rawlings came to power in 1981 (and remained in power for two decades), suspended the constitution and banned political parties. In 1992, he engineered the promulgation of a new Ghanaian Constitution which restored basic freedoms and multiparty politics to Ghana. He served two terms as president and voluntarily stepped down as required by the Constitution.

In December 2008, 8.2 million Ghanaians went to the polls to elect a president and members of parliament. The four major political parties contested the elections vigorously through massive grassroots efforts and voter registration campaigns. The candidate of the National Democratic Congress, Professor John Atta-Mills, defeated the outgoing President John Kufuor by a razor thin margin in a run-off election. President Kufuor not only conceded defeat gracefully, he also cordially congratulated the president-elect. Ghanaian voters also threw out of office well-known incumbent parliamentarians from the four major parties who had taken them for granted. In the end, all of the opposition parties accepted the results of the election as determined by Ghana’s Electoral Commission, legitimizing once again the principle that the only pathway to legitimate power in Ghana is free and fair elections.

In May 2005, for the very first time in millennia, the seeds of democracy germinated in Ethiopia’s arid political landscape pockmarked by royal absolutism, military socialism and pluto-kleptocratic dictatorship (rule by rich thieves). But those elections gave birth to a stillborn democracy. The ruling dictatorship declared victory before the votes were fully counted and declared a state of emergency. In the wake of the elections, the dictatorship made a killing field of the country. By official account, 193 men, women and children were massacred, and 763 severely wounded in two separate incidents of police violence. (The actual post-election casualties far exceed the numbers officially reported.) Nearly all of the leading opposition leaders and other civil society representatives and journalists were jailed, along with more than 30,000 ordinary citizens. In the 2008 local elections, opposition candidates won just 3 (three) of 3.6 million seats! Make-believe parliamentary elections are scheduled to be held in May 2010.

Ethnicity and tribal allegiances are potent forces in Ghana and Ethiopia. Both countries are multi-ethnic societies with ethnic inequalities and historical rivalries. Ethnic tensions in Ghana are occasionally heightened by social and economic inequality. Although some Ghanaian politicians have resorted to ethnic appeals to garner votes, there have been very few instances of ethnic violence triggered by political party rivalries. Amazingly, the Ghanaian Constitution prohibits tribal or ethnic-based political parties: “Every political party shall have a national character, and membership shall not be based on ethnic, religious, regional or other sectional divisions.” (Article 55 (4).)

In Ethiopia, ethnicity and tribal affiliation are the foundation and the lifeline of the of the current dictatorial regime. Article 46 (2) of the ruling dictatorship’s constitution provides: “States shall be structured on the basis of settlement patterns, language, identity and consent of the people.” In other words, “states” shall be structured as homogenous tribal homelands based on four criteria, in much the same way as the Bantustans of apartheid South Africa. The tribal homelands in Ethiopia are officially called “kilils”. We believe they could be more accurately described as “Killilistans” since the “kilils”, like the Bantustans, represent territory set aside for the purpose of concentrating the members of designated ethnic/tribal groups in a nominally autonomous geographic area. Ethiopia’s dictators have used a completely fictitious theory of “ethnic (tribal) federalism)”, unknown in the annals of political science or political theory, to glorify these “Kililistans”, and to impose their atrocious policy of divide and rule against 80 million people for nearly two decades.

Ghana has maintained friendly relations with its neighbors, and has followed a foreign policy that has contributed to regional cooperation, peacekeeping and tension reduction. As an active member of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), Ghana has been able to substantially increase its exports and serve regional markets. Ghana has also contributed troops for peacekeeping missions in Liberia and other African countries. President Rawlings played a critical peace-making role when he arranged the signing of the Akosombo Accord of September 12, 1994, which accelerated the implementation of the Cotonou Agreement of July 1, 1993, effectively ending the civil war in Liberia.

Ethiopia’s dictators have poured fuel on the volatile politics of the Horn by invading Somalia in January 2007, a country which has suffered greatly under the scourge of “warlordism” since the early 1990s. They justified their invasion as an “invitation” by the Somali transitional government, and as a defense of Ethiopian sovereignty. They boasted that they will be out in a couple of months after they drive out the “terrorists”. Two years later, they were the ones who were chased out of Somalia with their tails between their legs leaving behind a colossal mess of death and destruction. In its 2008 report entitled “So Much to Fear: War Crimes and the Devastation of Somalia”, Human Rights Watch documented war crimes, civilian deaths and the destruction wreaked on Somalia as a result of invasion: “Since January 2007 at least 870,000 civilians have fled the chaos in Mogadishu alone— two-thirds of the city’s population. Across south-central Somalia, 1.1 million Somalis are displaced from their homes.” Recently, there has been growing tension with Kenya over the issue of adverse environmental impact on the ecosystem of Kenya’s Lake Turkana from a hydro-electric power plant under construction on the Omo River in Ethiopia. The dictatorship’s military adventurism has been principally responsible for escalating tensions in the region.

The “Magic” of Ghana’s Nascent Democracy?

Is there “magic” to Ghanaian multiparty democracy? No! Whatever success Ghana has achieved in institutionalizing democracy, the Ghanaian people and their leaders have earned by offering their blood, toil sweat and tears. President Obama offered the best explanation when he attributed Ghana’s democratic success to respect for and institutionalization of the rule of law:

Now, time and again, Ghanaians have chosen constitutional rule over autocracy and shown a democratic spirit that allows the energy of your people to break through. We see that in leaders who accept defeat graciously — the fact that President Mills’ opponents were standing beside him last night to greet me when I came off the plane spoke volumes about Ghana; victors who resist calls to wield power against the opposition in unfair ways. We see that spirit in courageous journalists like Anas Aremeyaw Anas, who risked his life to report the truth. We see it in police like Patience Quaye, who helped prosecute the first human trafficker in Ghana. We see it in the young people who are speaking up against patronage and participating in the political process.

Although Ghana’s democracy is still in its infancy, the evidence on critical measures of democracy demonstrates that Ghana has a great and promising future.

Respect for Rule of Law and Civil Liberties

There is little doubt that Ghanaians enjoy a relatively high degree of political freedom; and the rule of law is largely respected by Ghanaian leaders. The 1992 Ghanaian Constitution guarantees a panoply of political civil, economic, social and cultural rights to citizens. Press freedom in Ghana best illustrates the liberties enjoyed by Ghanaians. In 2008, Ghana (population 23 million) ranked 31 out of 173 countries worldwide on World Press Freedom Index (Ethiopia ranks 142/173). There are more than 133 private newspapers and 2 state-owned dailies. There are some 110 FM radio stations broadcasting in all parts of the country. Foreign media operate freely and internet access is uncensored by the government. Citizens express their opinions without fear of government retaliation, and the media vociferously criticizes government policies and officials without censorship.

The rule of law is largely observed in Ghana. The government follows and respects the Constitution. It abides by the rulings and decisions of the courts and other fact-finding inquiry commissions. The government has undertaken actions to conform its laws to the standards of international human rights conventions. The Ghanaian Supreme Court serves as the ultimate guardian of the rule of law. It maintains its institutional independence, and is not timid about overruling unconstitutional government policies and decisions. Amazingly, under Article 2 (4) of the Ghanaian Constitution, failure to obey or carry out the terms of a Supreme Court order is a “a high crime”, which in “the case of the President or the Vice-President, constitutes a ground for removal from office under this Constitution.” Under Article 2 (1), “a person” can seek declaratory relief against an alleged unconstitutional law or act of any person by petitioning the Supreme Court. Amazingly, under Article 64, any Ghanaian citizen has the right to “challenge the validity of the election of the President in the Supreme Court within twenty-one days after the declaration of the result of the election.”

Independent Judiciary

An independent judiciary is vital to the observance of the rule of law and protection of civil liberties. Article 125 provides that the Ghanaian “Judiciary shall be independent and subject only to the Constitution.” Article 127(2) further provides that “neither the President nor the Parliament nor any person whatsoever shall interfere with judges and judicial officers or other persons exercising judicial power, in the exercise of their judicial functions”. All state organs are constitutionally required to comply with judicial orders. Most importantly, the Supreme Court has judicial review powers (that is, the power to determine the constitutionality of the actions of the presidency and parliament). Various surveys have shown that the majority of Ghanaians have confidence in their judicial system even though they also believe that some underpaid and under-trained judges are likely to fall prey to bribery and other corrupt practices.

Competitive Political Parties

Ghana has a competitive multi-party political system. Article 55 of the Constitution guarantees “Every citizen of Ghana of voting age has the right to join a political party.” Political parties are free to organize and “disseminate information on political ideas, social and economic programmes of a national character.” Tribal and ethnic parties are illegal in Ghana under Article 55 (4) cited above. There are some eight registered political parties. The two dominant parties, the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and the National Democratic Congress (NDC) are said to represent an estimated 80 per cent of the Ghanaian voters. There are few ideological differences among the parties. In the highly contested December 2008 elections, a run off was ordered by the Ghana Electoral Commission since neither of the two majority party candidates won more than 50 per cent of the vote.

Independent Electoral Commission

The Ghanaian Electoral Commission is the institution created in the Constitution to ensure Ghanaians’ right to self-government and clean elections. The Commission is responsible for voter registration, demarcation of electoral boundaries, conduct and oversight of all public elections and referenda and electoral education. Under Article 46, the Commission is guaranteed independence: With certain exceptions, “the Electoral Commission shall not be subject to the direction or control of any person or authority…” The presidential run-off election in 2008 was managed by the Electoral Commission with extraordinary impartiality and professionalism, despite political pressure, threats and intimidations. The Commission is widely credited in Ghana and internationally for sustaining democracy, political pluralism and constitutional rule.

Civil Society Institutions

Civil society institutions in Ghana are gradually emerging as vital social forces. They are mostly concentrated in the urban areas. The major ones include unions, international NGOs, professional media, legal, educational and research organizations and faith-based service groups and associations. Civil society institutions are becoming increasingly important in legal and legislative reforms and in playing vigorous advocacy roles for under-represented groups. Many of these institutions have made significant contributions by working with the Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice in securing civil rights for disabled persons, prevention of domestic violence, and strengthening the rights of women and children. Private research organizations (think tanks) in Ghana have done some extraordinary work, and their contributions to public policy analysis, empirical data collection and innovative policy proposals should be the envy of other African countries.

Transparency and Accountability

Corruption is a problem in Ghana, but less so than in many other African countries. Ghana was ranked 67 out of 180 countries surveyed in Transparency International’s 2008 Corruption Perceptions Index. Ethiopia ranked 126/180. Corruption in Ghana is considered “opportunistic” instead of systemic (that is, where major institutions and processes of the state are routinely and extensively used by corrupt officials and others connected to them for their own advantage). Various surveys have shown that underpaid and under-trained judges were likely to succumb to bribery and other forms of corruption. Small time corruption is said to be rampant among the police and customs officials. The independent constitutional Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice, mentioned above, was established to “to investigate complaints of violations of fundamental human rights and freedoms, injustice and corruption; abuse of power and unfair treatment of persons by public officers in the exercise of their duties, with power to seek remedy in respect of such acts or omissions and to provide for other related purposes” and “bring an action before any court in Ghana and may seek any remedy which may be available from that court”. Even though there is a difference of opinion on the efficacy of the Commission, there is evidence to show that it has made gains in anti-corruption efforts over the past decade. In 2005-06, the Commission undertook corruption and conflict of interest investigation against incumbent President John Kufuor and other top public officials, resulting in the resignation of certain ministers. But there are also encouraging examples of public integrity and personal sacrifices for the common good. For instance, the current President, John Mills, has refused compensation for his official services, directing that his salary and allowances be used for charity.

Threats to Ghanaian Democracy

Ghana’s multiparty democracy is still in its infancy and faces many threats. Some argue that the recently discovered “resource curse” of oil could derail democracy in Ghana as it has in other oil-rich West African countries. Inability of the government to improve the economic status of the rural and urban poor and provide better health care services to citizens could pose serious challenges. Lack of effective local governments in the rural areas could result in widespread dissatisfaction and instability. Failure to remedy the gross under-representation of women in leadership positions could retard Ghana’s democratic progress. Lack of investments in the educational sector could undermine Ghana’s long-term economic growth. The resurgence of ethnic politics aggravated by socio-economic problems could pose a grave threat to Ghana’s infant democracy. Numerous other challenges loom in the horizon, but Ghanaians appear prepared to meet them, and never to return to the days of tyrannical military strongmen.

The “X-Factor” in Ghanaian Democracy

Ghanaians have shown Africa’s tin pot dictators that multiparty democracy is not some fanciful Western ritual that is unworkable in the continent. They have shown that a non-ethnic, non-tribal multiparty democracy is the only viable option that could guarantee stability, equity and economic development in Africa. That is the secret, the “X” factor, in Ghana’s success. By constitutionally requiring that political parties NOT be ethnic- or tribal-based, Ghanaians laid a solid foundation for a single Ghanaian nation under the rule of law. They succeeded in creating a multiparty democracy that has the capacity to overcome the petty politics of ethnicity and tribalism. Amazingly, along the way they managed to create a political culture that integrates their humanity into a framework of national unity to forge a single Ghanaian identity.

Ghanaians have come to understand that they can do no nation-building by erecting impregnable walls of tribalism and ethnicity among themselves. They have also learned that democracy can not grow on the barren fields of tyranny where human rights are trampled upon and flagrantly disregarded. Even Ghana’s military leaders appreciated this fact when they bowed to the rule of law and returned to the barracks. Ghana today has become a beacon of hope to Africa. Ethiopia, as a collection of “Killilistans”, is a sad reminder of the darkest chapters of African history. We can all be very proud (and perhaps a bit jealous) of our Ghanaian brothers and sisters as they march united and confidently into the 21st Century secure in the knowledge that their rights are protected by the rule of law and their collective destiny rests sheltered in the palms of their hands.

Now, that’s what the amazing Ghanaians got, we ain’t got!

(The writer, Alemayehu G. Mariam, is a professor of political science at California State University, San Bernardino, and an attorney based in Los Angeles. For comments, he can be reached at almariam@gmail.com)

Canada: Ethiopian man gets 18 years for murder

Monday, July 27th, 2009

By Shannon Kari | National Post

TORONTO, CANADA — An Ethiopian refugee who stabbed his girlfriend to death in her Toronto apartment will have to spend at least 18 years in prison before he is eligible for parole.

Arssei Hindessa, 33, convicted this spring of second-degree murder in the May, 2006, death of 20-year-old Natalie Novak, looked straight ahead and showed no emotion as he was sentenced Monday morning by Ontario Superior Court Justice Anne Molloy.

“The murder was the final installment in the history of violence against Ms. Novak,” noted the judge. “She stood up to him. She told him it was over. He killed her,” the judge observed, with several family members and friends of Ms. Novak in court.

Hindessa had already been convicted twice of assaulting Ms. Novak, a student at Ryerson University in Toronto, when he stabbed her to death after she explained she wanted to end their two-year-long relationship.

Ms. Novak was attacked in her bedroom. She was stabbed at least nine times in the chest area and there were many defensive wounds. “Natalie Novak fought for her life,” observed Judge Molloy.

Hindessa also slashed the throat of his girlfriend before he fled her apartment and threatened to commit suicide a few hours later by jumping off a bridge, when arrested by police.

The Ontario Court of Appeal has concluded that the normal range for someone convicted of second-degree murder in a domestic situation is a life sentence with no parole for at least 12 to 15 years.

There were several aggravating factors in the death of Ms. Novak, which is why Judge Molloy said she was imposing a longer prison term before Hindessa can apply for parole.

Hindessa arrived in Canada as a refugee at the age of 25. The judge accepted that he had been imprisoned and tortured in Ethiopia, but she was skeptical about his claims of paranoia and mental illness.

Judge Molloy pointed out that the jury flatly rejected the testimony of Hindessa and his assertion that he was drunk and hallucinating and saw a “seven-headed beast” when he stabbed Ms. Novak. The judge added that she found Hindessa’s expressions of remorse at the sentencing hearing to be “hollow words” aimed at reducing the time he has to spend in prison.

Crown attorney Mary Humphrey had asked for Hindessa to serve between 18 to 25 years in prison before he can apply for parole.

Judge Molloy noted that she must apply “parity” in sentencing, as she explained why she was not imposing parole ineligibility of more than 18 years.

“Natalie was adored, nurtured and treasured by her family and friends. I am aware of the utter devastation caused by her death, said the judge.

When imposing a sentence though, “we do not differentiate between a lovely young woman and the killing of any other human being,” said Judge Molloy.

Ethiopian Novelist Fikremarkos Desta seeks asylum in the U.S.

Monday, July 27th, 2009

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia — Fikremarkos Desta, an author of six ethnographic and historiography novels and four documentary films, is reportedly seeking political asylum in the United States.

The author traveled to the U.S. on July 9, 2009, with his family to attend his brother-in-law’s graduation.

He told friends that his main reason for seeking asylum in the U.S. is that because of his opposition to the Omo-Gibe Hydroelectric Project, which could devastate Lower Omo Valley affecting the entire population of the region, he is being harassed and persecuted by Woyanne thugs.

The {www:Woyanne} tribal junta is also suspecting him of being associated with opposition parties.

Ato Fikremarkos’ works include: “Land of the Yellow Bull,” a novel about the Hammer, Kio, Ebore, and other ethnic groups in the south-western Ethiopia.

EriTv interview with EPPF and Ethiopian Review – Part 1-3

Sunday, July 26th, 2009

EriTv Amharic Service interviews EPPF official Ato Sileshi Tilahun and Ethiopian Review editor Elias Kifle. Watch the interview below [Forward to 32:00].

Part I

Part II

Part III

Purdue University sends professors, students to Ethiopia

Sunday, July 26th, 2009

WEST LAFAYETTE, INDIANA — Purdue University’s School of Veterinary Medicine celebrated its 50th anniversary by sending 19 faculty members, students and alumni to Ethiopia to assist in improving livestock production and continue its ongoing relationship with the Ethiopian veterinary school.

The group worked with Project Mercy, a U.S.-based, non-profit relief and development agency that seeks to improve cattle and human nutrition through breeding practices. The project is breeding Ethiopian cattle breeds with American and European breeds such as Jerseys, a U.S. dairy breed.

Breeding Ethiopian cattle with Jerseys is a good fit because Jerseys are small, have a high fertility rate and produce a lot of milk, said Mark Hilton, a Purdue veterinarian and clinical professor of food and animal production medicine.

“The thing that surprised me most was the lack of adequate animal nutrition and growth,” he said. “The heifers were only 250 to 350 pounds at a year old. Because of the lack of nutrition, animal reproduction is a luxury in Ethiopia. We saw 5-year-old heifers that had never been in heat. We really want to improve reproduction and show the Ethiopian people they can do it, too.”

Source: Purdue University News

A Toronto company donates $100,000 to an Ethiopian orphanage

Sunday, July 26th, 2009

By Robin Summerfield | Calgary Herald

CALGARY, CANADA — A Toronto-based mining company has donated $100,000 to care for 43 Ethiopian children whose adoptions to Canadians were jeopardized following the bankruptcy of an Ontario-based agency.

The money will keep the Addis Ababa orphanage afloat until those children come to Canada to live with their new families, authorities said.

When contacted Saturday in Toronto, Yamana Gold Inc.’s CEO Peter Marrone said his company made the $100,000 donation after its vice-president of communications Jodi Peake, who adopted an Ethiopian boy last year, told him of the bankruptcy and plight of the children in the Addis Ababa orphanage.

“My immediate reaction was the protection of the children, that the children were taken care of,” Marrone said.

That bit of good news came as 40 adopting parents met Saturday in Calgary during an emotional meeting to get answers and plead with Alberta’s head of adoptions to help complete their adoptions with Cambridge, Ont.-based Imagine Adoption, which was placed into bankruptcy July 13.

“We cannot be pushing through paperwork faster than normal because then it could appear that we might be kidnapping children that should be staying in Ethiopia,” Anne Scully, who oversees all domestic and international adoptions for Alberta Children and Youth Service, told the crowd who was emotional, heated and tearful at times during the two-and-a-half hour meeting.

Scully said the province is working closely with Ontario Ministry of Children and Youth Services, as well as Canadian Citizenship and Immigration, to get answers and move adoptions forward as efficiently and quickly as possible.

“I wish we had better answers, more answers,” Scully said.

In a news release, bankruptcy trustee BDO Dunwoody promised — if all regulations had been followed — to manage all 400 outstanding Canadian adoptions regardless of their state of completion.

“It’s really about being effective. These (parents) have a serious problem and they need to advocate,” said Michael Greene, an immigration lawyer offering advice at the meeting.

He said the government, the bankruptcy trustee and other agencies clearly want to help their families and that’s in their favour.

“I think there’s hope for them,” Greene said.

Of the 64 Alberta families who were clients of the agency, six had been matched with overseas children. Of those, five adoptions have been finalized through the courts.

Those families must now wait for passports or visas to be issued by the High Commission in Nairobi.

“I would like them to do more for the families but I just don’t know what that ‘more’ is,” said Shawn Bertin, 37, said after the meeting. He and his wife Dolores, hoped to adopt an Ethiopian child.

Dolores took some comfort in connecting with the other local families who’ve also been effected.

“We’ve been feeling isolated. It’s good to know we’re not alone,” she said.

Other families were just happy to have Scully addressing their concerns in person.

“We still have a little bit of hope and we’ll continue on until someone tells us not to,” said 35-year-old Alison Bruha, whose was expecting to be matched with an baby boy from Ethiopia imminently when the agency went under.

“The bottom line is we want our families completed,” added Tammy Vlieg, 36, who started the process with her husband to adopt an Ethiopian infant or two siblings 20 months ago.

The couple are also in the midst of finalizing the domestic adoption of their five-month-old daughter Josina, who they received two days after she was born.

“If I didn’t have my daughter I would be a basket case,” Vlieg said.

Waterloo Regional Police launched a fraud investigation last week into Kids Link International, which operated as Imagine Adoption.

The agency has a nearly $400,000 operating shortfall and an additional $800,000 expected claim by families, according to bankruptcy documents.

Col. Kassaye Kifle passed away

Saturday, July 25th, 2009

Colonel Kassaye Kifle Colonel Kassaye Kifle has passed away on July 14, 2009, after receiving medical treatment at St. Thomas Hospital in Nashville, Tennessee.

Friends and family held a memorial service for him at the Debre Keranio Medhanialem Church in Nashville on July 17.

His funeral services will be held at the Debre Libanos Monastery in Ethiopia on July 25, 2009.

Many who had served as officers in the Ethiopian armed forces remember Col. Kassaye as a leader who served his country honorably.

Over during his career he was trained as an aviator in the United States, and aviation commander in the Soviet Union and the Ethiopian Air Force Command Staff College.

As a member of the Ethiopian Army Aviation Unit, he led Assault Helicopter Teams and received medals for bravery.

His contribution to Ethiopia continued as a pilot trainer at Ethiopian Airlines.

Col. Kassaye Kifle is survived by his wife, two children, and two grand children.

(Messages of condolence to the family can be sent to ethiopia_love@yahoo.com)

የኮሎኔል ካሣዬ ክፍሌ አጭር የህይወት ታሪክ

ኮሎኔል ካሣዬ ክፍሌ ከእናታቸው ከወይዘሮ ደመቀች አስፋውና ከአባታቸው ከአቶ ክፍሌ ደስታ እንደ ኢትዮጵያ አቆጣጠር በ 1935 ዓ∙ም∙ በአዲስ አበባ ከተማ ተወለዱ::

እድሜያቸው ለትምህርት ሲደርስ የ 1ኛና የ2ኛ ደረጃ ትምህርታቸውን በአዲስ አበባ ኮከበ ፅባህ ቀዳማዊ ኃይለ ሥላሴ ዩኒቨርስቲ ከገቡ በኋላ አገራቸውን ለማገልገል በፅኑ ወዳመኑበት ሀረር ጦር አካዳሚ በመግባት ከፍተኛ የውትድርና ትምህርት ቀስመዋል::

ኮሎኔል ካሣዬ ክፍሌ ከሀረር ጦር አካዳሚ ከተመረቁ በኋላ በአርሚ አቪዬሽንና በኢትዮጵያ አየር ኃይል በአውሮፕላን አብራሪነት ለረጅም አመታት አገልግለዋል::

ኮሎኔል ካሣዬ ክፍሌ በስራ ባልደረቦቻቸው ክብርና ከፍተኛ አድናቆትን ያተረፉ ከመሆናቸው ሌላ በሀገር ፍቅር ስሜታቸውና በቆራጥነታቸው እጅግ ተወዳጅ ነበሩ::

ኮሎኔል ካሣዬ ክፍሌ ከባለቤታቸው ከወይዘሮ ዘሪቱ ዘውገ በሰላምና በፍቅር ለ 27 ዓመታት በጋብቻ ፀንተው የኖሩ ሲሆን ሁለት ልጆች አፍርተዋል::

ኮሎኔል ካሣዬ ክፍሌ ባደረባቸው ፅኑ ህመም በህክምና ሲረዱ ከቆዩ በኋላ በናሽቪል ከተማ ሴንት ቶማስ ሆስፒታል እንደ ኢትዮጵያ አቆጣጠር ሐምሌ 7 ቀን 2001 ዓ∙ም∙ ከዚህ አለም በሞት ተለይተዋል:: አስከሬናቸው ወደ ውድ አገራቸው የተላከ ሲሆን በዛሬው እለት እንደ ኢትዮጵያ አቆጣጠር ሐምሌ 18 ቀን 2001 ዓ∙ም∙ የቀብር ስነስርዓታቸው በኢትዮጵያ የደብረ ሊባኖስ ገዳም ይፈፀማል::

ቸሩ ኣምላክ የኚህን ጀግና የኢትዮጵያ ልጅ ነብስ ከፃድቃን መካከል እንዲያኖራት የሁላችንም ፀሎት ነው::

Berhanu Dinka appointed to Kenya Reconciliation Comm.

Saturday, July 25th, 2009

Addis Ababa (Awramba Times) – Former UN Secretary General and Kenya’s peace negotiator Kofi Annan has appointed Ethiopian high profile diplomat Ato Berhanu Dinka for Kenya’s Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC).

The commission includes six Kenyans and three foreigners. Its members are Betty Murungi (vice chairman), Margaret Shava, Tom Ojienda, Ahmed Sheikh Farah and Tecla Namachanja. The foreign appointees are Ambassador Berhanu Dinka from Ethiopia, Judge Getrude Chawatama from Zambia, and Prof Ronald Slye from the United States… [MORE]

Pope Benedict makes new appointments in Ethiopia

Friday, July 24th, 2009

Vatican — Pope Benedict XVI has appointed Fr. Theodorus van Ruijven C.M., apostolic prefect of Jimma-Bonga, Ethiopia, and apostolic administrator of Nekemte, Ethiopia, as apostolic vicar of Nekemte.

The Vicariate of Nekemte has 6.5 million people of whom 45,000 are Catholics, served by 32priests and 48 religious. The bishop-elect was born in Rijswijk, Holland in 1938 and ordained a priest in 1964.

At the same time the pope appointed Archbishop Giovanni Angelo Becciu, apostolic nuncio to Angola and to Sao Tome and Principe, as apostolic nuncio to Cuba.

Source: Catholic Information Service for Africa (Nairobi)

Atse Haile-Selassie's 117th Birthday – July 23, 2009

Friday, July 24th, 2009

Haile-Selassie I

Throughout history, it has been the inaction of those who could have acted; the indifference of those who should have known better; the silence of the voice of justice when it mattered most; that has made it possible for evil to triumph.” – HIM Haile-Selassie

Haile-Selassie I, Emperor of Ethiopia (July 23, 1892 – August 27, 1975) was de jure Emperor of Ethiopia from 1930 to 1974 and de facto from 1916 to 1936 and 1941 to 1974. To Ethiopians he has been known by many names, including Janhoy, Talaqu Meri, Abba Tekel, amongst others.

Early life

Haile-Selassie I was born Tafari Makonnen on July 23, 1892, in the village of Ejersa Goro, in the Harar province of Ethiopia, as Lij (literally “child”, usually bestowed upon nobility). His father was Ras Makonnen Woldemikael Gudessa, the governor of Harar, and his mother was Weyziro (Lady) Yeshimebet Ali Abajifar. He inherited his imperial blood through his paternal grandmother, Princess Tenagnework Sahle Selassie, who was an aunt of Emperor Menelik II, and as such, claimed to be a direct descendant of Makeda, the queen of Sheba, and King Solomon of ancient Israel. Emperor Haile-Selassie had an elder half-brother, Dejazmach Yilma Makonnen, who preceded him as governor of Harar, but died not long after taking office.

Tafari became Dejazmach at the age of thirteen. Shortly thereafter, his father Ras Makonnen died at Kulibi. Although it seems that his father had wanted him to inherit his position of governor of Harar, Emperor Menelik found it imprudent to appoint such a young boy to such an important position. Dejazmach Tafari’s older half-brother, Dejazmach Yilma Makonnen was made governor of Harar instead.

Governor of Harar

Tafari was given the titular governorship of Sellale, although he did not administer the district directly. In 1907, he was appointed governor over part of the province of Sidamo. Following the death of his brother Dejazmach Yilma, Harar was granted to Menelik’s loyal general, Dejazmach Balcha Saffo. However, the Dejazmach’s time in Harar was not successful, and so during the last illness of Menelik II, and the brief tenure in power of Empress Taitu Bitul, Tafari Makonnen was made governor of Harar, and entered the city 11 April 1911. On 3 August of that year, he married Menen Asfaw of Ambassel, the niece of the heir to the throne, Lij Iyasu.

Regent

Although Dejazmach Tafari played only a minor role in the movement that deposed Lij Iyasu on 27 September 1916, he was its ultimate beneficiary. The primary powers behind the move were the conservatives led by Fitawrari Habte Giorgis Dinagde, Menelik II’s long time war minister. Dejazmach Tafari was included in order to get the progressive elements of the nobility behind the movement, as Lij Iyasu was no longer regarded as the progressives’ best hope for change. However, Iyasu’s increasing flirtation with Islam, his disrespectful attitude to the nobles of his grandfather Menelik II, as well as his scandalous behavior in general, not only outraged the conservative power-brokers of the Empire, but alienated the progressive elements as well. This led to the deposition of Iyasu on grounds of conversion to Islam, and the proclamation of Menelik II’s daughter (Iyasu’s aunt) as Empress Zewditu. Dejazmach Tafari Makonnen was elevated to the rank of Ras, and was made heir apparent. In the power arrangement that followed, Tafari accepted the role of Regent (Inderase), and became the de facto ruler of the Ethiopian Empire.

As regent, the new Crown Prince developed the policy of careful modernisation initiated by Menelik II, securing Ethiopia’s admission to the League of Nations in 1923, re-abolishing slavery in the empire in 1924 (it had already been declared illegal several times by all the Emperors beginning with Tewodros, but with little practical result). He engaged in a tour of Europe that same year, inspecting schools, hospitals, factories, and churches; this left such an impression on the future emperor that he devoted over forty pages of his autobiography to the details of his European journey. Also on this trip, while visiting the Armenian monastery in Jerusalem, the Crown Prince met 40 Armenian orphans (Arba Lijoch, “forty children”) who had escaped from the Armenian genocide in Ottoman Empire. They impressed him so much that he received permission from the Armenian Patriarch of Jerusalem to adopt and bring them to Ethiopia, where he arranged for them to receive musical instruction, and they formed the Imperial brass band. The 40 teenagers arrived in Addis Ababa on September 6, 1924, and along with their bandleader Kevork Nalbandian became the first official orchestra of the nation. Nalbandian composed the music for the Imperial National Anthem, Marsh Teferi (words by Yoftahé Negusé), which was official in Ethiopia from 1930 to 1974.

King and Emperor

Empress Zewditu crowned him as negus (“king”, in Amharic) in 1928, under pressure from the progressive party, following a failed attempt to remove him from power by the conservative elements. The crowning of Tafari Makonnen was very controversial, as he occupied the same immediate territory as the Empress, rather than going off to one of the regional areas traditionally known as Kingdoms within the Empire. Two monarchs, even with one being the vassal and the other the Emperor (in this case Empress), had never occupied the same location as their seat in Ethiopian history. Attempts to redress this “insult” to the dignity of the Empress’ crown were attempted by conservatives including Dejazmach Balcha and others. The rebellion of Ras Gugsa Wele, husband of the Empress, was also in this spirit. He marched from his governorate at Gondar towards Addis Ababa but was defeated and killed at the Battle of Anchiem on March 31, 1930. News of Ras Gugsa’s defeat and death had hardly spread through Addis Ababa, when the Empress died suddenly on April 2, 1930. Although it was long rumored that the Empress was poisoned upon the defeat of her husband, or alternately, that she collapsed upon hearing of his death and died herself, it has since been documented that the Empress had succumbed to an intense flu-like fever and complications from diabetes.

Following the Empress Zewditu’s sudden death, Tafari Makonnen was made Emperor and proclaimed Neguse Negest ze-’Ityopp’ya (“King of Kings of Ethiopia”). He was crowned on November 2 as Emperor Haile-Selassie I at Addis Ababa’s Cathedral of St. George, in front of representatives from 12 countries. (Haile-Selassie had been the baptismal name given to Tafari at his christening as an infant meaning “Power of the Holy Trinity.”) The representatives included Prince Henry, Duke of Gloucester (son of British King George V, and brother to Kings Edward VIII, and George VI), Marshal Franchet d’Esperey of France, and the Prince of Udine representing Italy. Evelyn Waugh was also present and wrote a contemporary report about the coronation and the events leading up to it (Remote People, 1931).

Upon his coronation as emperor and in keeping with the traditions of the Solomonic dynasty that had reigned in highland Ethiopia since 1297, Haile-Selassie’s throne name and title were joined to the imperial motto, so that all court documents and seals bore the inscription: “The Lion of the Tribe of Judah has conquered! Haile-Selassie I, Elect of God King of Kings of Ethiopia”. The use of this formula dates to the dynasty’s Solomonic origins, as well as to the Christianized throne from the period of Ezana; all monarchs being required to trace their lineage back to Menelik I, who in the Ethiopian tradition was the offspring of Solomon and the Queen of Sheba.

By Empress Menen, the Emperor had six children: Princess Tenagnework, Crown Prince Asfaw Wossen, Princess Tsehai, Princess Zenebework, Prince Makonnen and Prince Sahle Selassie.

Emperor Haile-Selassie I also had an older daughter, Princess Romanework Haile-Selassie, who was born from an earlier alleged union to Woizero Altayech. Little is known about his relationship with Altayech beyond that it allegedly occurred when the Emperor was in his late teens. His Majesty never once mentioned any previous marriage, either in his Autobiography or in any other writings. The Princess is listed among the Emperor’s children in the official Imperial Family Tree published after his coronation, and in every version since. She was granted the title of Princess and given the dignity of “Imperial Highness” upon the Emperor’s coronation along with his other children, not something that would have been granted an illegitimate or adopted child.

The Emperor introduced Ethiopia’s first written constitution on July 16, 1931, providing for an appointed bicameral legislature. It was the first time that non-noble subjects had any role in official government policy. However, the League’s failure to stop Italy’s invasion of Ethiopia in 1935 led him to five years in exile. The constitution also limited the succession to the throne to the descendants of Emperor Haile-Selassie — a detail that caused considerable unhappiness with other dynastic princes, such as the princes of Tigrai, and even his loyal cousin Ras Kassa Hailu.

Haile-Selassie in 1942

Haile-Selassie in 1942

Following the 1935 Italian invasion of Ethiopia, Emperor Haile-Selassie I made an attempt at fighting back the invaders personally. He joined the northern front by setting up headquarters at Desse in Wollo province. He issued his famous mobilization order on 3 October 1935:

On 19 October 1935 he gave more precise orders for his army to his Commander-in-Chief, Ras Kassa:

  1. When you set up tents, it is to be in caves and by trees and in a wood, if the place happens to be adjoining to these―and separated in the various platoons. Tents are to be set up at a distance of 30 cubits from each other.
  2. When an aeroplane is sighted, one should leave large open roads and wide meadows and march in valleys and trenches and by zigzag routes, along places which have trees and woods.
  3. When an aeroplane comes to drop bombs, it will not suit it to do so unless it comes down to about 100 metres; hence when it flies low for such action, one should fire a volley with a good and very long gun and then quickly disperse. When three or four bullets have hit it, the aeroplane is bound to fall down. But let only those fire who have been ordered to shoot with a weapon that has been selected for such firing, for if everyone shoots who possesses a gun, there is no advantage in this except to waste bullets and to disclose the men’s whereabouts.
  4. Lest the aeroplane, when rising again, should detect the whereabouts of those who are dispersed, it is well to remain cautiously scattered as long as it is still fairly close. In time of war it suits the enemy to aim his guns at adorned shields, ornaments, silver and gold cloaks, silk shirts and all similar things. Whether one possesses a jacket or not, it is best to wear a narrow-sleeved shirt with faded colours. When we return, with God’s help, you can wear your gold and silver decorations then. Now it is time to go and fight. We offer you all these words of advice in the hope that no great harm should befall you through lack of caution. At the same time, We are glad to assure you that in time of war We are ready to shed Our blood in your midst for the sake of Ethiopia’s freedom…”

The Italians had the advantage of much better and a larger number of modern weapons, including a large airforce. The Italians also extensively used chemical warfare and bombed Red Cross tent hospitals, in violation of the Geneva Convention. Following the defeat of the northern armies of Ras Seyoum Mengesha and Ras Imru Haile-Selassie I in Tigray, the Emperor made a stand against them himself at Maychew in southern Tigray. Although giving Italian pilots quite a scare, his army was defeated and retreated in disarray, and he found himself being attacked by rebellious Raya and Azebu tribesmen as well.

The Emperor made a solitary pilgrimage to the churches at Lalibela, at considerable risk of capture, before returning to his capital. After a stormy session of the council of state, it was agreed that because Addis Ababa could not be defended, the government would relocate to the southern town of Gore, and that in the interests of preserving the Imperial house, the Empress and the Imperial family should leave immediately by train for Djibouti and from there to Jerusalem. After further debate over whether the Emperor would also go to Gore or he should take his family into exile, it was agreed that the Emperor should leave Ethiopia with his family, and present the case of Ethiopia to the League of Nations at Geneva. The decision was not unanimous, and several participants angrily objected to the idea that an Ethiopian monarch should flee before an invading force. Some, like the progressive noble, Blatta Takele, an erstwhile ally of the Emperor, were to permanently hold a grudge against him for agreeing to leave the country. The Emperor appointed his cousin Ras Imru Haile-Selassie as Prince Regent in his absence, departing with his family for Djibouti on May 2, 1936.

Marshal Pietro Badoglio led the Italian troops into Addis Ababa on May 5, and Mussolini declared King Victor Emanuel III Emperor of Ethiopia, and Ethiopia an Italian province. On this occasion Badoglio, declared the first Viceroy of Ethiopia and made “Duke of Addis Ababa,” returned to Rome and took with him Haile-Selassie’s throne as a “war trophy,” converting it into his dog’s couch. At Djibouti, the Emperor boarded a British ship bound for Palestine. The Imperial family disembarked at Haifa, and then went on to Jerusalem, where the Emperor and his officials prepared for their presentation at Geneva.

Emperor Haile-Selassie I was the only head of state to address the General Assembly of the League of Nations. When he entered the hall, and the President of the Assembly announced “Sa Majesté Imperiale, l’Empereur d’Ethiopie,” the large number of Italian journalists in the galleries erupted in loud shouts, whistles and catcalls, stamping their feet and clapping their hands. As it turned out, they had earlier been issued whistles by the Italian foreign minister (and Mussolini’s son-in-law) Count Galeazzo Ciano. The Emperor stood in quiet dignity.

The Emperor waited quietly for security to clear the Italian press out of the gallery, before commencing his speech. Although fluent in French, the working language of the League, the Emperor chose to deliver his historic speech in his native Amharic. The Emperor asked the League to live up to its promise of collective security. He spoke eloquently of the need to protect weak nations against the strong. He detailed the death and destruction rained down upon his people by the use of Mussolini’s chemical agents. He reminded the League that “God and History would remember… [their] judgement.” He pleaded for help and asked “What answer am I to take back to my people?”. His eloquent address moved all who heard it, and turned him into an instant world celebrity. He became Time Magazine’s “Man of the Year” and an icon for anti-Fascists around the world. He failed, however, in getting what he requested to help his people fight the invasion: the League agreed to only partial and ineffective sanctions on Italy, and several members recognized the Italian conquest.

Emperor Haile-Selassie I spent his five years of exile (1936–1941) mainly in Bath, United Kingdom, in Fairfield House, which he bought. After his return to Ethiopia, he donated it to the city of Bath as a residence for the aged, and it remains so to this day. There are numerous accounts of “Haile-Selassie was my next-door neighbour” among people who were children in the Bath area during his residence, and he attended Holy Trinity Church in Malvern (with the same dedication as Trinity Cathedral back in Ethiopia). The Emperor also spent extended periods in Jerusalem.

During this period, Emperor Haile-Selassie I suffered several personal tragedies. His two sons-in-law, Ras Desta Damtew and Dejazmach Beyene Merid, were both executed by the Italians. His daughter Princess Romanework, along with her children, was taken in captivity to Italy, where she died in 1941. His grandson Lij Amha Desta died in Britain just before the restoration, and his daughter Princess Tsehai died shortly after.

Haile-Selassie I returned to Ethiopia in 1941, after Italy’s defeat in Ethiopia by United Kingdom and Ethiopian patriot forces. After the war, Ethiopia became a charter member of the United Nations (UN). In 1951, after a lengthy fact-finding inquiry by the allied powers and then the UN, the former Italian colony of Eritrea was federated to Ethiopia as a compromise between the sizable factions that wanted complete Union with the Empire, and those who wanted complete independence from it.

Despite his centralization policies that had been made before WWII, he still found himself unable to push for all the programs he wanted. In 1942, Haile-Selassie attempted to institute a progressive tax scheme, but this failed due to opposition from the nobility, and only a flat tax was passed; in 1951 he agreed to reduce this as well. In addition, the land tax was generally passed by the land owners to the peasants. Despite his wishes, the tax burden remained primarily on the peasants.

Between 1948 and 1956, Haile-Selassie took steps to establish the autocephaly of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. This was accomplished by obtaining permission from the native Egyptian Coptic Orthodox Pope of Alexandria and Patriarch of All Africa Cyril VI in 1959, to appoint the patriarch of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, instead of the traditional system, where the head could only be appointed by the patriarch of Alexandria. The Ethiopian Church remained affiliated, however, with the Alexandrian Church. Selassie also created enough new bishoprics so that Ethiopians could elect their own patriarch. In addition to this, he changed the Ethiopian church-state relationship by introducing taxation of church lands, and by taking away the privilege of clergy to be tried in their own courts for civil offenses.

In keeping with the principle of collective security, for which he was an outspoken proponent, he sent a contingent under General Mulugueta Bulli, known as the Kagnew Battalion, to take part in the UN Conflict in Korea. It was attached to the American 7th Infantry Division, and fought in a number of engagements including the Battle of Pork Chop Hill.

During the celebrations of his Silver Jubilee in November 1955, Haile-Selassie I introduced a revised constitution, whereby he retained effective power, while extending political participation to the people by allowing the lower house of parliament to become an elected body. Party politics were not provided for. Modern educational methods were more widely spread throughout the Empire, and the country embarked on a development scheme and plans for modernization, tempered by Ethiopian traditions, and within the framework of the ancient monarchical structure of the state.

Haile-Selassie compromised when practical with the traditionalists in the nobility and church. He also tried to improve relations between the state and ethnic groups, and granted autonomy to Afar lands that were difficult to control. Still, his reforms to end feudalism were slow and weakened by the compromises he made with the entrenched aristocracy. This would be a key factor in the downfall of his regime.

His international fame and acceptance also grew. In 1954, he visited the then West Germany to become the first head of state to do so after the end of the second world war. Many elderly Germans still vividly remember and are inspired by this visit by an African king as it signalled their acceptance back to the world, as a peaceful nation. He donated blankets produced by the Debre Birhan Blanket Factory, in Ethiopia, to the then war torn Germany.

Later years

Haile-Selassie on a state visit to Washington, 1963

Haile-Selassie on a state visit to Washington, 1963

On December 13, 1960, while the emperor was on a state visit to Brazil, his Imperial Guard forces staged an unsuccessful coup attempt, briefly proclaiming Haile-Selassie I’s eldest son Asfa Wossen as the new Emperor. The coup d’état was crushed by the regular Army and police forces. The coup attempt (although lacking wide popular support, denounced by the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, and crushed by the Army, Air and Police forces) gained support among students of the University and elements of the young educated technocrats in the country. It marked the beginning of an increased radicalization of Ethiopia’s student population, and the University was in an almost constant state of protest against the regime for the next decade.

After the coup, Haile-Selassie attempted to increase reform, especially in the form of land grants to military and police officials, however there was little organization to this effort.

Following this, he continued to be a staunch ally of the West, while pursuing a firm policy of decolonisation in Africa, which was still largely under European colonial rule at this time. The United Nations conducted a lengthy inquiry regarding the status of Eritrea, with the superpowers each vying for a stake in the state’s future. Britain the last administrator at the time put forth the suggestion to partition Eritrea between Sudan and Ethiopia, separating christians and moslems. It was instantly rejected by Eritrean political parties as well as the UN. The United States point of view was expressed by its then chief foreign policy advisor John Foster Dulles who said:

“From the point of view of justice, the opinions of the Eritrean people must receive consideration. Nevertheless, the strategic interests of the United States in the Red Sea Basin and considerations of security and world peace make it necessary that the country [Eritrea] has to be linked with our ally, Ethiopia,” — John Foster Dulles, 1952.

A UN plebiscite voted 46 to 10 to have Eritrea be federated with Ethiopia which was later stipulated on December 2 of 1950 in resolution 390 (V). Eritrea would have its own parliament and administration and would be represented in what had been the Ethiopian parliament and was now the federal parliament.[20] In 1961 the 30-year Eritrean Struggle for Independence, began after years of peaceful student protests against Ethiopian violation of Eritrean democratic rights and autonomy had culminated in violent repression and the Emperor of Ethiopia Haile-Selassie I’s dissolution of the federation in 1961 followed by shutting down the parliament and declaring Eritrea the 14th province of Ethiopia in 1962.

In 1963, the Emperor presided over the establishment of the Organisation of African Unity, with the new organisation setting up its headquarters in Addis Ababa. As more and more African states won their independence, he played a pivotal role as a Pan-Africanist, and along with Modibo Keïta of Mali, was successful in negotiating the Bamako Accords, which brought an end to a border conflict between Morocco and Algeria.

In 1966, the Emperor attempted to create a more modern, progressive tax that included registration of land that would significantly weaken the nobility. Even with alterations, this law led to a revolt in Gojam which was repressed although enforcement of the tax was abandoned. This encouraged other landowners to defy the emperor, though on a lesser scale.

As in other countries, the increasingly radical student movement took hold in Haile-Selassie University and high school campuses in the late 60s and early 70s, and student unrest became a regular feature of Ethiopian life. Marxism took root in large segments of the Ethiopian intelligentsia, particularly among those who had studied abroad and had been exposed to radical and left-wing sentiments that were becoming fashionable in other parts of the globe. Resistance by conservative elements at the Imperial Court and Parliament, in addition to within the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, made the Emperor’s proposals of widespread land reform policies difficult to implement, and also damaged the standing of the government. This bred resentment among the peasant population. Efforts to weaken unions also hurt his image. As these issues began to pile up, Haile-Selassie left much of domestic governance to his Prime Minister, Aklilu Habte Wold, and concentrated more on foreign affairs.

Outside of Ethiopia, however, the Emperor continued to enjoy enormous prestige and respect. As the longest serving Head of State then in power, the Emperor was usually given precedence over all other leaders at most international state events, such as the celebration of the 2500 years of the Persian Empire, the summits of the Non-aligned movement, and the state funerals of John F. Kennedy and Charles de Gaulle. His frequent travels around the world raised Ethiopia’s international image.

Wollo Famine

Famine mostly in Wollo, northeastern Ethiopia, as well as in some parts of Tigray is estimated to have killed up to 200,000 Ethiopians between 1972-73. Even though this region is famous for having recurrent crop failures with continuous food shortage and risk of starvation, the death of around 200,000 people in 1973 became one of the worst famines in African history. It led to the 1973 production of a BBC programme labeled “The Unknown Famine” by Jonathan Dimbleby, along with a team of ITV broadcasters. It was dubbed the world’s first “television catastrophe” of a famine. Some studies showed that the small food produced in the famine-stricken Wollo area was moved out, thus strengthening the argument of a government attempt to use food as a weapon against pro-rebel regions. In addition to a backward social system, the attempt to cover-up the famine by the imperial government contributed to the popular uprising that led to its down fall and the rise of Mengistu Haile Mariam to power.

Last of the Monarch

A devastating drought in the Province of Wollo in 1972–73 that caused a large famine, which was covered up by the officials and correlated with Haile-Selassie’s 80th birthday with much pomp and ceremony, led to more dissent in the country. When a BBC documentary narrated by British journalist Jonathan Dimbleby exposed the existence and scope of the famine, the government was seriously undermined, and the Emperor’s once unassailable personal popularity fell. Simultaneously, economic hardship caused by high oil prices and widespread military mutinies in the country further weakened him. Enlisted men began to seize their senior officers and held them hostage, demanding higher pay, better living conditions, and investigation of alleged widespread corruption in the higher ranks of the military. The Derg, a committee of low ranking military officers and enlisted men, set up to investigate the military’s demands, took advantage of the government’s disarray to depose Emperor Haile-Selassie I on September 12, 1974. General Aman Michael Andom served briefly as provisional head of state pending the return of the Crown Prince from abroad where he was receiving medical treatment. The Emperor was placed under house arrest briefly at the 4th Army Division in Addis Ababa, while most of his family were detained at the late Duke of Harrar‘s residence in the north of the capital. The Emperor was then moved to a house on the grounds of the old Imperial Palace where the new government set up its headquarters. Later, most of the Imperial family were imprisoned in the Central prison in Addis Ababa known as “Alem Bekagn”, or “I am finished with the world”. On November 23, 1974, 61 former high officials of the Imperial government known as “the Sixty”, were executed without trial. The executed included the Emperor’s grandson, Rear Admiral Iskinder Desta, two former Prime Ministers, Lij Endelkachew Makonnen and Tsehafi Taezaz Aklilu Haptewold, former provisional Head of State, General Aman Michael Andom and others.

On August 28, 1975, the state media reported that the “ex-monarch” Haile-Selassie I had died on August 27, of “respiratory failure” following complications from a prostate operation. His doctor, Professor Asrat Woldeyes denied that complications had occurred and rejected the government version of his death. Some believe that he was suffocated in his sleep. Witnesses came forward after the fall of the Marxist government in 1991, to reveal that the Emperor’s remains had been buried beneath the president’s personal office. On November 5, 2000 Emperor Haile-Selassie I was given an Imperial funeral by the Ethiopian Orthodox church. The current post-communist government refused to give it the status of a state funeral. Although such prominent Rastafari figures such as Rita Marley and others participated in the grand funeral, most Rastafari rejected the event, and refused to accept that the bones unearthed from under Mengistu Haile Mariam‘s office were the remains of the Emperor.

Cover of Time Magazine, November 3, 1930

incarnate among followers of the Rastafari movement, which emerged in Jamaica during the 1930s under the influence of Marcus Garvey‘s “Back to Africa” movement, and as the Black Messiah who will lead the peoples of Africa and the African diaspora to freedom. He has been greatly popularised through reggae music and also the distinctive dreadlocks of the Rastafari, along with their worship of him using cannabis as a sacred herb which they believe brings them closer to him and has become the basis for claims of religious persecution against the Rastafari movement. His official titles, Conquering Lion of the Tribe of Judah, King of Kings and Elect of God, and his traditional lineage from Solomon and Sheba, are seen to be confirmation of the titles of the returned Messiah in the prophetic Book of Revelation in the New Testament: King of Kings, Lord of Lords, Conquering Lion of the Tribe of Judah and Root of David. The faith in the incarnate divinity of Emperor Haile-Selassie I began after news reports of his coronation reached Jamaica, particularly via the two Time magazine articles about the coronation the week before and the week after the event. He is considered to be the King and God before whom no other shall stand. Selassie’s own spiritual teachings permeate the philosophy of the movement.

When Haile-Selassie I visited Jamaica on April 21, 1966, somewhere between one and two hundred thousand Rastafari from all over Jamaica descended on Norman Manley International Airport in Kingston, having heard that the man whom they considered to be God was coming to visit them. Cannabis was widely and openly smoked. When Haile-Selassie I arrived at the airport he refused to get off the aeroplane for an hour until Mortimer Planner, a well known Rasta, persuaded him that it was safe to do so. From then on the visit was a success. Rita Marley, Bob Marley‘s wife, converted to the Rastafarian faith after seeing Haile-Selassie I. She claimed, in interviews, that she saw scars on the palms of Selassie’s hands (as he waved to the crowd) that resembled the envisioned markings on Christ’s hands from being nailed to the cross — a claim that was never supported by other sources, but nonetheless, a claim that was used as evidence for her and other Rastafarians to suggest that Selassie I was indeed their Messiah.

Haile-Selassie I’s attitude to the Rastafarians

Haile-Selassie I had no role in organising or promoting the Rastafari movement, which for many Rastas is seen as proof of his divinity, in that he was no false prophet claiming to be God in order to enjoy the benefits of being a cult leader. He was a devout member of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, as demanded by his political role in Ethiopia, and it was to his role as Emperor of Ethiopia that he devoted his life. His publicly known views towards the Rastafarians varied from sympathy to polite interest reinforced by the fact that his political inclinations, including African emancipation, were those of the Rastafari movement.

Yet in his speeches and writings there is substantial material about the spiritual life, and he often addressed his audience in the tone of a spiritual teacher. For instance, he wrote “Knowing that material and spiritual progress are essential to man, we must work ceaselessly for the attainment of both… No one should question the faith of others, for no human can judge the ways of God”. During the Emperor’s visit to Jamaica, he told Rastafari community leaders that they should not emigrate to Ethiopia until they had liberated the people of Jamaica. On another occasion Selassie said “We have been a child, a boy, a youth, an adult, and finally an old man. Like everyone else. Our Lord the Creator made us like everyone else,” (in an interview with Oriana Fallaci, Chicago Tribune, June 24, 1973) and the Rastafarians do see Selassie as man or flesh incarnate. On numerous occasions Selassie expressed his belief in his faith, stating that one is doomed apart from faith in Christ, who in the Tewahido faith is considered both man and God: “A rudderless ship is at the mercy of the waves and the wind, drifts wherever they take it and if there arises a whirlwind it is smashed against the rocks and becomes as if it has never existed. It is our firm belief that a soul without Christ is bound to meet with no better fate.” (One Race, One Gospel, One Task, address to the World Evangelical Congress, Berlin, October 28, 1966). He also encouraged religious freedom and tolerance. “Since nobody can interfere in the realm of God we should tolerate and live side by side with those of other faiths… We wish to recall here the spirit of tolerance shown by Our Lord Jesus Christ when He gave forgiveness to all including those that crucified Him.”

In order to help the Rastas and their aspirations of returning to Africa the Emperor donated a piece of land at Shashamane, 250 km south of Addis Ababa, for the use of Jamaican Rastafarians and there is a community there to this day.

The Rastafarians’ attitude towards Haile-Selassie I

Rastas say that they know Haile-Selassie I is God, and therefore do not need to believe it; belief to them implies doubt, and they state they have no doubts about his divinity. He is a central theme and presence within the life of Rastafarians. He is seen as a symbol of black pride, and as a king for African people. The Rastafarians use his full name, Haile-Selassie I, pronouncing the Roman numeral that indicates “the first” as the word “I”, that being the first person pronoun, thus emphasising both the personal relationship they have with him and also that God is to be found within the human being; he is also called “Jah Rastafari Selassie I,” and affectionately “Jah Jah”. They are very proud of knowing and declaring that he is their God. They have never been worried by Haile-Selassie never claiming to be God, arguing that the real God would never claim to be so just to get worldly acclaim and power. Roots reggae is full of thanks and praises towards “Selassie I”. The Rastas say that Haile-Selassie I will one day call the day of judgement, calling the righteous and the faithful to live with him forever on a new Earth ruled from Holy Mount Zion, said to be a place in Africa. Some Rastas state that “Zion is a state of mind”, emphasising that Zion is a current earth reality and not some place in the sky only to be experienced after one has died.

The first Rastafari to appear in front of a court was Leonard Howell, who was charged with sedition against the state and its King George V of the United Kingdom. Howell declared himself a loyal subject not of the King of the United Kingdom and its Commonwealth, but of Haile-Selassie I and of his country Ethiopia. When Emperor Haile-Selassie I came before the League of Nations to plead his case, and having it rejected by the League, this event confirmed their belief because the nations of Babylon, in reference to the ancient biblical place, will turn their backs to messiah on his return. They see their own rejection within the societies in which they live as being because they worship Selassie I. Many equated the Second Italo-Abyssinian War with the fight in the Book of Revelation between the returned messiah and the antichrist. The Emperor’s restoration to power in 1941 strengthened the Rastafari faith that he was Almighty God.

Rastas say that Haile-Selassie I is still alive, and that his purported death was part of a conspiracy to discredit their spiritual movement, and Selassie himself. In addition to being a political and historical figure, Haile-Selassie I has become a popular culture symbol for God through the Rastafari movement. Many Rastas are concerned that the world does not see Haile-Selassie I in a positive light due to negative and unproven rumours about large bank accounts that the Marxist government in Ethiopia claimed he had used to salt away the wealth of the country.

Haile-Selassie’s core beliefs of ethnic integration, a united Africa and the following of a moral path are at the heart of Rasta philosophy and vision as are Selassie I’s own teachings on morality and spirituality.

Source: wikipedia.org

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Some Ethiopians' obsession with title

Thursday, July 23rd, 2009

By Lisanu Tesema

Educated or uneducated, some Ethiopians have little understanding of the relevance of titles and honorific. We have, for instance, Meles Zenawi’s former Ambassador to Kenya. His proper title is Ato, as far as I know. He is currently Zenawi’s speaker of the rubber stamp parliament. On TV, in “parliament”, in private, in public and even in kitchens the man uses “ambassador” as his title and the cumbersome honorific, His Excellency.

This man is none other than Teshome Toga. A recent documentary, a kind of lamentable self-promotion shown on ETV, was even entitled “Ambassador Teshome Toga’s routines in parliament” despite the fact that he is currently serving Meles as a “house speaker.”

If at all, “ambassador” is a title that should never kept for life, it should be correctly used as “former ambassador” as he is no longer servicing as head of a diplomatic mission. But to be fair to the man, he is not alone. Former ambassadors of the imperial regime, Derg and the current ethnocratic [tribal] clan are still stuck in such titles as ambassador, minister, commissioner and the like and some demand to be exalted as such.

Long after their jobs were over, either through defection and retirement, they use this cumbersome “titles” and others meekly call them “Ambassador Teshome”, “Minister Hagos”, “Commissioner Bereket” etc, and the title-obsessed former officials get puffed up. But what the mis-users of personal titles don’t know, or pretend not to notice, is the fact that job titles are not for life.

Honorific, though quite traditional that originated in ancient royal courts, is a recognizable legal title such as His Excellency, Your Excellency, Your Honour, His Royal Highness etc. Even honorific is not title for life but is used in reference to a political office.

Why is it then that people who have left their offices long ago, or defected for that matter, think that they are still holding on to their jobs… still ambassadors, generals or ministers in Ethiopia?

Why are we required to use titles to refer to people who no longer hold their “beloved” offices, however wrong and confusing they are, for no apparent reasons than just to boost the ego of these former appointees of succeeding bad, dictatorial and unpopular governments that have never served their people well? If they must use these titles and old honors, they should remind us that they are not currently holding the political offices by adding the adjective former or the prefix ex. That would clear the confusion as well as save the ego of the former diplomats, ministers, generals, commanders, commissioners… who love misusing useless titles and honorific.

There are also others, engineers for life. Normally, engineer is not also an honorific but a job title. However, our older generation still think that it is a title and demand us to call an engineer with his job title. Former or ancient engineers use “engineer” as their life time title.

In Ethiopia, time doesn’t go fast. It is slow and change is hard to come by as there is resistance to change. The world is moving faster while we are stuck in tradition. Whoever starts a wrong tradition or a popular mistake, knowingly and unknowingly, is often immortalized when others repeat the mistake forever. But at some point, we need to realize that correction is needed.

Though unrelated to the main point I have raised, I would like to touch upon two examples of perennial mistakes we never tried to correct. It may be a foreigner who misspelt our capital city as “Addis Ababa”, which is not only wrong but changes the flower into an old man. Children use “ababa” to refer to an older person. The correct spelling should have been abeba, which is the Amharic equivalent for flower. So which one is Ethiopia’s capital, Addis Ababa [sic] or Addis Abeba? A new old man or a new flower? The choice is ours as the foreigners who made the mistake did not know the difference.
Anyway, titles should not be kept for life but need to be used correctly as mistakes should also be corrected at one point. Students who never correct their mistakes learn little and may even repeat their mistakes again and again.

(The writer can be reached at lisanute@gmail.com)

3 Ethiopian visitors disappeared in U.K.

Thursday, July 23rd, 2009

By Richard Mennear | Hartlepool Mail

THREE Ethiopian exchange visitors who had been staying in Hartlepool have vanished during a trip to the Houses of Parliament.

The three men were among a group of nine visitors who were staying with families in the town as part of a three-month visit to the UK.

They went to the capital to visit the corridors of power in a tour which Hartlepool MP Iain Wright was asked to help arrange.

But at the end of the day’s tour, the men failed to meet up with the rest of the group and organisers Global Xchange were forced to contact the police to report them missing.

Police and Home Office chiefs are now investigating their disappearance.

Organizers say their main concern is for the safety of the men, who have been named as Zerihun Weldeyohans, 24, Habtamu Debela, 27, and 21-year-old Muluneh Tilahun Abera.

It was at around 6pm when they separated from the rest of the group to buy telephone calling cards.

Programme supervisor Georgina Richards reported the men missing to the Metropolitan Police at 10pm when they failed to show up at their London hotel, where they were due to stay overnight before returning to Hartlepool.

Concerns grew further when the trio didn’t turn up for the 11am journey to Hartlepool the following day.

All three men have valid visas which do not run out until September 9.

Their families in Ethiopia have been informed.

The Global Xchange programme involves 18 volunteers, nine from the UK and nine from Ethiopia, living in Hartlepool while working for community organisations.

Zerihun is based at Cafe 177 and Headline Futures, Habtamu at the West View Project, while Muluneh has been working at Hartlepool United’s study support centre.

A statement released by the organisers said: “The British Council and VSO can confirm that three Ethiopian participants in the current Ethiopia Hartlepool Global Xchange have been reported missing.

“All three are male and aged between 21 and 24. The group had been on a trip to London to visit the Houses of Parliament. After the visit some of the group were socialising at the South Bank Centre but the three young men went their separate ways to purchase some telephone calling cards.

“They later failed to arrive at the homes where they were due to stay on the evening of Wednesday, July 15. They did not meet their colleagues for their return journey to Hartlepool.

“The young men have not made any contact with British Council, VSO or their project supervisors in Hartlepool and the primary concern is for their safety as they were on their first visit to London.

“The police have been informed and are treating this as a missing persons case. The police have undertaken standard inquiries to establish the location and safety of the young men.

“The programme is due to run until August 31, and the young people had not indicated that they intended to resign from the group. All three are in possession of valid visas and return flights.”

Mr Wright, who didn’t meet up with the group due to parliamentary business, said: “The purpose of the visit was to show visitors to this country the Houses of Parliament.

“It was organised by Global Xchange, and I hope that the three missing people are found as quickly as possible.”

A spokesman for the Home Office said they would only become involved if those involved stayed in the country longer than their visa allowed.

Who might replace Ethiopia's dictator?

Thursday, July 23rd, 2009

Addis Ababa (Reuters) — Ethiopia’s long-serving Prime Minister tribal dictator Meles Zenawi said early this month he was looking forward to relaxing after a retirement from power that he hopes will be agreed soon with his ruling party.

So who might replace him? Following are the three names most widely touted, and a summary of main opposition figures:

SEYOUM MESFIN

Physicist Seyoum has been Ethiopia’s foreign minister since Meles came to power in 1991. Fiercely loyal to the prime minister, he used his weight as a well-regarded former rebel fighter to help Meles purge their Tigryan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) of dissidents in 2001.

Respected for his skill as an international negotiator, he is considered a contender by the Addis Ababa diplomatic community. [Seyoum's negotiating skill has so far resulted in turning the Horn of Africa region into a war zone.]

GIRMA BIRRU

Trade Minister Girma may prove the perfect compromise candidate. Despite making up only 6 percent of the population, the Tigryan ethnic group, of which Meles is a member, dominate Ethiopia’s political establishment.

The Amhara ethnic group have traditionally ruled the country and are likely to lobby for one of their ruling party members to take over should Meles resign.

Girma is an Oromo — an ethnic group which, though Ethiopia’s largest in number, have never held power. [This is false. Reuters need to get its fact straight. Also Girma is not an Oromo. He is just Hodam.]

TEWODROS ADHANOM

Educated in Britain, Tewodros has been health minister since 2005 and has a string of achievements under his belt — including a significant reduction in Ethiopia’s child mortality rate — that have won him international respect. [Ethiopia currently has no functioning health care system. Hospitals are short of basic drugs such as antibiotics.]

The opposition is unlikely to win elections due for 2010. Its leaders were jailed after Meles blamed them for street violence after a disputed 2005 poll and they have made little impact since their release in a 2007 pardon deal.

They say that is because of government harassment but Meles denies that. Some of their key figures are:

BIRTUKAN MIDEKSA

The charismatic former judge leads the Unity for Democracy and Justice party. She was imprisoned in December after the government said she violated the terms of the 2007 pardon. Meles says there is no chance she will be freed before the 2010 poll.

SEYE ABRAHA

Once nicknamed the “TPLF’s Strongman”, Seye was defence minister from 1991 to 1995. He fell out with Meles in 2000 and was jailed for corruption. He insists his imprisonment was politically motivated. Recently released, he is involved in a coalition of opposition groups going up against the government in 2010.

BERHANU NEGA

Berhanu is an economist who was elected mayor of Addis Ababa in the 2005 election then jailed shortly after. He fled to the United States after his release where he formed “May 15th”, an organisation named after the date of that poll. The government says Berhanu planned a recent plot to overthrow it and has charged 32 men it says were receiving money from him to buy weapons and bombs. He says the accusations are fabricated.

(Reporting by Barry Malone, Editing by Andrew Cawthorne [a 6th grader can write a better, more truthful report than these two.])

East Africa gets high-speed web

Thursday, July 23rd, 2009

Nairobi (BBC NEWS) — The first undersea cable to bring high-speed internet access to East Africa has gone live.

The fibre-optic cable, operated by African-owned firm Seacom, connects South Africa, Tanzania, Kenya, Uganda and Mozambique to Europe and Asia.

The firm says the cable will help to boost the prospects of the region’s industry and commerce.

The cable – which is 17,000km long – took two years to lay and cost more than $650m.

Seacom said in a statement the launch of the cable marked the “dawn of a new era for communications” between Africa and the rest of the world.

The services were unveiled in ceremonies in the Kenyan port of Mombasa and the Tanzanian city of Dar es Salaam.

School benefits

The cable was due to be launched in June but was delayed by pirate activity off the coast of Somalia.

The BBC’s Ben Mwangunda in Dar es Salaam says five institutions are already benefiting from the faster speeds — national electricity company Tanesco, communications company, TTCL, Tanzania Railways and the Universities of Dar es Salaam and Dodoma.

The BBC’s Will Ross in Nairobi says the internet revolution trumpeted by Seacom largely depends on how well the service is rolled out across the region.

To the disappointment of many consumers, our correspondent says some ISPs (internet service providers) are not planning to lower the cost of the internet, but instead will offer increased bandwidth.

But businesses, which have been paying around $3,000 a month for 1MB through a satellite link, will now pay considerably less – about $600 a month.

The Kenyan government has been laying a network of cables to all of the country’s major towns and says the fibre-optic links will also enable schools nationwide to link into high quality educational resources.

But our correspondent says it is not clear whether the internet revolution will reach the villages, many of which still struggle to access reliable electricity.

Sudan police on a rampage against Ethiopian refugees

Thursday, July 23rd, 2009

KHARTOUM (ST) — Sudanese Police are reported to have began a series of crackdown on the neighborhood of Ethiopian and Eritrean refugee communities in the capital, Khartoum.

Since July 5, truckloads of Sudanese police along with government security forces have raided homes and refugees-owned business centers of hundreds of Ethiopians and Eritrean refugees confiscating properties of their restaurants and homes.

Some refugees on condition of anonymity said that some women and children were beaten and raped by members of the joint force.

UNHCR protection officer in Khartoum Teresa Ongaro confirmed to VOA that there was a series of raids of “refugees and illegal workers over the weekend.” But the UN officer said that she has not heard any reports of police raping women and children.

There are about 30 thousand refugees in Khartoum and about 100 thousand in Eastern Sudan bordering Eritrea.

Many go to Khartoum to find a better life, but are exposed occasionally to ill treatment. She said UNHCR personnel and lawyers have interviewed 314 victims of the recent raid, and determined that 91 fit the UNHCR qualifications for refugees. She said these refugees were freed the next day.

The refugees say more than 50 have already been deported.

Similarly, southern Sudanese authorities are carrying out crackdown in all the Southern Sudan’s ten states, targeting illegal immigrants whose influx has now been blamed on the worsening insecurity in the region.

Local authorities have blamed a number Kenyan refugees for increased insecurity in the region, most of whom are perceived to be part of several heavily armed gangs that have been terrorizing residents of Juba city and its environs especially at night.

Last month, the Government of Southern Sudan (GoSS) directed security agents to firmly deal with rising cases of insecurity that have also seen a number of foreigners lose their lives in attacks by gangs.

Ethiopia's tribal junta suspends 42 NGOs, including MSF

Tuesday, July 21st, 2009

By ARGAW ASHINE | NATION

ADDIS ABABA — Ethiopia’s regime has suspended the operations of 42 non-governmental organizations allegedly involved in activities that are “out of their mandate” in the Southern region of the country.

Ethiopia’s Southern regional state justice office chief Mr Yilma Meresa told this writer that those NGOs were out to interrupt the peace and development of the region.

Mr Yilma refused to disclose the name of the suspended organizations. However, he hinted that most of them were local NGOs.

The Nation has learnt that international humanitarian organization Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF) and two local gender rights organizations are among the suspended NGOs.

The Ethiopian government moved to revoke the license of the NGOs following accusation of their alleged involvement in reporting human right abuses in the rural areas.

Ethiopian government publicly accused some NGOs of supplying “inaccurate” information to the United States’ State Department, which was published in March 2009.

Food aid

Meanwhile, United Nations humanitarian office in Ethiopia has warned that the number of people who need food aid in Ethiopia will increase to 6.2 million unless more food aid can be secured.

The recent number of people requiring food aid has been 4.9 million and now the country needs additional 390,000 metric tonnes of emergency food aid for the coming three months.

Ethiopia leads the region by registering an average 10 per cent annual economic growth, has been avowed to end hunger but has achieved less success.

Landlocked Ethiopia is also facing port congestion at port Djibouti which delays the flow of food aid to the country.

Recently, World Food Program (WFP) urged Ethiopian authorities to prioritize the transport of food aid rather than agricultural fertilizer, which is equally important for the second most populous African nation at 85.2 million (UN, 2008).

According to WFP, Ethiopia government agreed to prioritize transporting food aid and allocate more berths for ships to offload available food aid at port Djibouti.

Ethiopia: Three TPLF regime soldiers defect

Tuesday, July 21st, 2009

Asmara – A total of 3 defecting Ethiopian soldiers who arrived recently in Eritrea opposing the TPLF regime’s racist policy said that the regime is increasingly taking harsh measures against members of the country’s Army who, embittered by the ethnic-based atrocities spoke up for their rights.

The soldiers are Mohammed Negeyo Suleiman, Alemeshet Zemenfeskudus, and Zele’alem Ejigu.

Private Zlealem stated that the TPLF regime gives promotion only to those Army members who are considered to be “trustworthy (loyal)” which in turn resulted in mistrust among members of the Army.

Meanwhile, private Alemeshet disclosed that the regime’s attempt to muffle the Eritrean mass media by expending millions of dollars has proven to be a futile effort and that the Ethiopian people in general and the Army in particular are able to follow the Eritrean media with clear frequency.

- Shabait

Egypt's water needs to surpass resources by 2017

Tuesday, July 21st, 2009

CAIRO (Reuters) — Egypt’s water needs will surpass its resources by 2017 because its population, now around 76 million, is still increasing fast, the state-run news agency MENA said yesterday.

The agency cited a recent report by the cabinet’s Information and Decision Support Centre as saying the Arab world’s most populous country would need 86.2 billion cubic metres of water in 2017 while resources would be only 71.4 billion cubic metres. Egypt’s water resources stood at 64 billion cubic metres in 2006, of which the River Nile provided 55.5 billion cubic metres, or 86.7 percent, the report said. By 2017 the Nile is expected to supply only 80.5 percent of Egypt’s resources.

Egypt is heavily dependent on river water as it has little rainfall.

A 1929 agreement between Egypt and Britain, acting on behalf of its then east African colonies, gave Cairo the right to veto projects higher up the Nile that would affect its water share.

A 1959 accord between Egypt and Sudan, supplementing the previous agreement, gave Egypt the right to 55.5 billion cubic metres of Nile water a year.

The agreements have created resentment among other Nile states and calls for changes to the pact, resisted by Egypt.

Ministers from all 10 Nile basin countries are expected to meet in Egypt later in July to discuss water allocation issues.

Egypt’s Water Resources Ministry has said it aims to fight water poverty by tackling wasteful farming practices and looking for alternative sources such as desalination of sea water. Egypt’s water supply is equivalent to an allocation of 860 cubic metres per capita per year, well below the water poverty line of 1,000 cubic metres per capita a year.

Sudan police rob and rape Ethiopian refugees

Monday, July 20th, 2009

By Tizita Belachew | VOA

Police in Khartoum began a crackdown on Ethiopian and Eritrean refugees in the past few days. The Amharic service’s Tizita Belachew interviewed leaders of the refugee community in Khartoum on Thursday and Friday who said the raids began on July 5 and each day since then truckloads of police and other Sudanese government security have raided the homes and business of Eritrean and Ethiopian refugees, confiscating the contents of their restaurants and homes and beating and raping women and children.

All refugees who spoke on the air did not want to be identified for fear of reprisals.

UNHCR protection officer in Khartoum Teresa Ongaro confirmed that there was a series of raids of “refugees and illegal workers over the weekend.” She said she has not heard any reports of police raping women and children.

“There are about 30 thousand refugees in Khartoum and about 100 thousand in Eastern Sudan bordering Eritrea. Many go to Khartoum to find a better life, but are exposed to ill treatment from time to time. She said UNHCR personnel and lawyers have interviewed 314 victims of the recent raid, and determined that 91 fit the UNHCR qualifications for refugees. She said these refugees were freed the next day. The refugees say more than 50 have already been deported.

Live Chat with Aaron Brown and Eleni Gabre-Madhin

Monday, July 20th, 2009

We are currently working on a documentary titled The Market Maker and wanted you to be part of a live web discussion following the premiere of the film this week.

The film follows Eleni Gabre-Madhin, a charismatic Ethiopian economist who, in an effort to end hunger in her famine-plagued country, designs the country’s first commodities exchange, which she hopes will
revolutionalize an ancient market system whose inefficiencies have been partly responsible for the country’s persistent food shortages.

The film premieres on Wednesday, July 22 at 10:00 p.m., but broadcast times vary from region to region, so check your local listings for air times by clicking here:

http://www.pbs.org/wnet/wideangle/schedule/

As an additional feature to the film, we will be hosting a live web discussion, during which you can join in a conversation with Gabre-Madhin, Wide Angle host Aaron Brown, and the filmmakers, Eli Cane
and Hugo Berkeley.

The talk will be hosted live on Thursday 23rd July 11:00 am EST at www.pbs.org/wideangle

Given your dedicated interest in raising awareness about the region, we thought you’d be interested in being a part of this interactive chat.

The number you can call to participate live is (718) 506-1351.

We would love to have as many people involved in this discussion. And you can help us spread the word! If you would post the information about this chat, including the date, time, and call-in number, on your blog, we’d be most appreciative.

Please feel free to write or call with any questions:

kunichoffy@thirteen.org
212 560 3073

For more information about Wide Angle and the film go to
www.pbs.org/wideangle

General Tefera Mamo et al case adjourned for August 4

Monday, July 20th, 2009

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia (ENA) — The Federal Prosecutor has completed on Saturday presenting witnesses and evidences against 46 suspects indicted under Brigadier General Tefera Mamo et al Case, who were allegedly collaborated clandestinely with the Ginbot 7 group to undermine the constitutional order.

The Federal Prosecutor presented a total of 89 human witnesses, 1,556-page written documents as well as other evidences in the form of audio-video materials against the 46 suspects, including against 14 ones who were indicted in absentia, before the Second Criminal Bench of the Federal High Court.

The Federal Prosecutor reiterated that both the human witnesses as well as the evidences clearly proved that the suspects had been running clandestine operation in organized manner in order to undermine the constitutional order by sheer force. It also submitted a 53-page analysis of the Case to the Bench, which illustrates the Case of Brigadier General Tefera Mamo et.al in detail.

The Second Criminal Bench of the Federal High Court adjourned the Brigadier General Tefera Mamo et.al Case for 04 Aug. 2009 for verdict.

Now is the Time to End Tyranny!

Monday, July 20th, 2009

Alemayehu G. Mariam

End Tyranny Now!

“No person wants to live in a society where the rule of law gives way to the rule of brutality and bribery. That is not democracy, that is tyranny, and now is the time for it to end.” Thus spoke President Barack Obama last week to Africa’s tin-pot dictators using the Ghanaian parliament as a sounding board.

During the presidential campaign and over the past seven months, many Ethiopians had expressed uncertainty and apprehension about the future direction of U.S. foreign policy in Ethiopia. Some thought President Obama would continue the knee-jerk terror-centric policies of George Bush; other believed it would be the dawn of a new day in U.S. policy. We offered analyses which foretold the orientation of U.S. foreign policy in Ethiopia and Africa under an Obama administration.

The President’s speech in Accra was both a diagnosis of what ails Africa, particularly Ethiopia, and a set of remedial prescriptions. President Obama spoke disapprovingly of the divisive and outdated politics of tribalism and ethnicity which continues to poison the African body politics. He urged Africans to reconcile around their common humanity and Africanity. He spoke of the corrosive effects of corruption on the soul of Africa and urged good governance to restore hope in the spirit of the African people. He declared Africa’s future is up to Africans, but challenged Africa’s youth to mold and shape it.

The Poison of Tribalism and Ethnic Politics

President Obama blasted identity politics as a canker in the African body politics:

We all have many identities – of tribe and ethnicity; of religion and nationality. But defining oneself in opposition to someone who belongs to a different tribe, or who worships a different prophet, has no place in the 21st century…. In my father’s life, it was partly tribalism and patronage in an independent Kenya that for a long stretch derailed his career, and we know that this kind of corruption is a daily fact of life for far too many….

Few countries in Africa today are more afflicted and conflicted by the artificially engineered ethno-tribal virus than Ethiopia. Using a completely phony theory of “ethnic (tribal) federalism”, the dictators in Ethiopia have created what amounts to apartheid-style Bantustans or tribal homelands. They have segregated the Ethiopian people by ethno-tribal classification in grotesque regional political units called “kilils”. This sinister perversion of the concept of federalism has enabled a few cunning dictators to oppress, divide and rule some 80 million people for nearly two decades.

We have called them out on their divide-and-rule politics. We have repeatedly called upon them to tear down of the walls of tribalism and ethnicity. Our humanity, we asserted, is more important than our ethnicity, nationality, sovereignty or Africanity! We are not prisoners to be kept behind tribal walls, but free men and women who are captains of our future in one unwalled Ethiopia that belongs to all of us equally. We echo President Obama, and President Reagan from another era, when we call upon those who built the tribal walls to tear them down once again: “Zenawi, tear down the kilil tribal walls behind which you have kept our people locked up! Let them go before you go!”

The Fundamental Truth: Development Depends on Good Governance

President Obama said,

We must first recognize a fundamental truth that you have given life to in Ghana: development depends upon good governance. That is the ingredient which has been missing in far too many places, for far too long…

The dictators in Ethiopia have proven beyond a shadow of a doubt that they are clueless about good governance; and their idea of development is ripping off the people to enrich their relatives and friends. “Concentrat[ion] of wealth in the hands of the few [that] leaves people too vulnerable to downturns” is not development.

Good governance is based on a set of objective measures. We subscribe to the 8 benchmark parameters of good governance set by the U.N.: Participation (men and women participate equally in political and civil society institutions); rule of law (an independent judiciary and impartial law enforcement agencies administer the justice system with strict adherence to the law of the land); transparency (public decisions are made and implemented according to established rules and regulations); responsiveness (public needs are met in a timely manner); consensus-building (the different interests of groups in society are harmonized in formulating policy); equity and inclusiveness (individuals and groups feel they have a stake in society and do not feel excluded); effectiveness and efficiency (scarce resources are used for maximum public benefit and service); accountability (leaders and institutions are accountable to the public and under law). In sum, good governance is to development as water is to a bountiful harvest. No water, no harvest!

Good Governance is Sustained by Respect for Human Rights

Just as development is based good governance, we believe respect for human rights is the sustaining force for good governance. Human rights principles provide a set of values to anchor and guide leaders, institutions and processes in serving the common good. Political action and reforms guided by principles enumerated in international human rights instruments, including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and conventions dealing with the rights of the child, elimination of discrimination based on gender and religion, and protection of economic, social and cultural rights and others, are central to the development of a fair and just society in Ethiopia.

The New Pillar of American Foreign Policy in Africa

President Obama announced that his administration’s policy in Africa will be guided by a simple principle: The U.S will provide support for the establishment of strong democratic governments, enhanced protections for human rights and assistance to victims of human rights violations, and efforts aimed at rooting out corruption in Africa. He said the U.S. will “sanction and stop those who” violate human rights:

First, we must support strong and sustainable democratic governments. Governments that respect the will of their own people are more prosperous, more stable and more successful than governments that do not. No country is going to create wealth if its leaders exploit the economy to enrich themselves… In the 21st century, capable, reliable and transparent institutions are the key to success – strong parliaments and honest police forces; independent judges and journalists; a vibrant private sector and civil society. Those are the things that give life to democracy, because that is what matters in peoples’ lives….

In Moscow, I spoke of the need for an international system where the universal rights of human beings are respected, and violations of those rights are opposed. That must include a commitment to support those who resolve conflicts peacefully, to sanction and stop those who don’t, and to help those who have suffered.

The President made it clear that democracy is about outcomes such as “strong parliaments and honest police forces; independent judges and journalists; a vibrant private sector and civil society.” He disagrees with those who claim that “democracy is about process, it’s not about outcome… If the process is clean and you get zero, tough luck.”

“Brutality and bribery” are the engines of tyranny, the President asserted. Economic chaos packaged as a litany of “ten percent annual growth” is not development; and American taxpayers will not provide aid to support such “development”. In short, American support to African regimes will be contingent on the implementation of “concrete solutions to corruption like forensic accounting, automating services, strengthening hot lines and protecting whistle-blowers to advance transparency and accountability, peaceful transfers of power, ending brutal repression, growth of civil society institutions, expansion of political space for civic participation and youth involvement.”

Africa’s Salvation Will Come Through Its Youth

President Obama knows that talking to African tin pot dictators is like pouring water on a slab of granite. There will be no penetration. The dictators will probably sit around in their echo chambers and lament the fact that the President is naïve about African politics and its complexities. The fact is that he is not only well informed on Africa, he is also fully prepared to deal with African dictators. After all, he cut his teeth on Chicago politics. In his eloquent and artful way, the President told the African dictators that they are not only decidedly on the wrong side of history, but also that they are inconsequential in the grand scheme of things:

Make no mistake: history is on the side of these brave Africans and not with those who use coups or change Constitutions to stay in power. Africa doesn’t need strongmen, it needs strong institutions….

We have learned that it will not be giants like Nkrumah and Kenyatta who will determine Africa’s future. Instead, it will be you – the men and women in Ghana’s Parliament, and the people you represent. Above all, it will be the young people – brimming with talent and energy and hope…

And I am particularly speaking to the young people. In places like Ghana, you make up over half of the population. Here is what you must know: the world will be what you make of it. You have the power to hold your leaders accountable and to build institutions that serve the people. You can serve in your communities and harness your energy and education to create new wealth and build new connections to the world. You can conquer disease, end conflicts and make change from the bottom up. You can do that. Yes you can.”

The role of youth in Ethiopia’s future deserves special attention. It is manifest that the dictators today have little interest in developing Ethiopia’s youth to “hold leaders accountable and build institutions that serve the people.” The dictators aim to mobilize, ideologize and “harness the energy of Ethiopian youth” to create armies of androids that will serve them obsequiously. They understand Hitler’s maxim: “He alone, who owns the youth, gains the future.” For this reason, it is instructive to watch the video of the recently stage-managed youth conference of the dictators available on ethiotube.net.

While the dictators abuse the youth, the opposition and the older generation has largely ignored them. Truth be told, we have done a poor job of preparing Ethiopian youth for their historic role in rebuilding and reorganizing the new Ethiopian society. We have become less than inspiring role models by our inability to set good examples of tolerance, harmony and collaboration. We have done little to teach the youth of our mistakes so that they will not repeat them. We have offered them little clarity to remove their confusion and uncertainties. We have failed to empower them in defending human rights. The dictators hold “conferences” to steal the souls of Ethiopian youth. What have we done to harness their idealism to serve their country and people? What have we done to inspire their minds, free their spirits and fortify their hearts in the historic task of reconstructing a new Ethiopia unburdened by tribalism, sectarianism, sexism and corruption?

The president is absolutely right. Africa’s, and Ethiopia’s, future will be shaped by its youth. The sooner we, who profess our faith in freedom, democracy and human rights, realize and own up to this irrefutable fact and begin helping them, the sooner will come Africa’s salvation. Young Ethiopians need good role models. Let each one of us strive to be one, for in the end the future belongs to them.

We should not expect quick results from the President’s speech. We must understand that the Obama administration does not have all of its Africa hands on deck; and the President is preoccupied with many domestic issues. Suffice it to say to African dictators that Barack Obama is not George Bush.
________________
[1] http://www.ethiomedia.com/all/6070.html ; http://www.abugidainfo.com/?p=8693
[2] http://www.abugidainfo.com/?p=5513

The writer, Alemayehu G. Mariam, is a professor of political science at California State University, San Bernardino, and an attorney based in Los Angeles. For comments, he can be reached at almariam@gmail.com

Head of Ethiopia Telecommunication Agency defects

Sunday, July 19th, 2009

In another blow to the fast decaying regime of the Woyanne tribal junta in Ethiopia, the director of Ethiopian Telecommunication Agency, Ato Eshetu Alemu, has defected in the U.S., according to The Reporter.

Eshetu came to the U.S. to attend a 15-day training in executive telecommunication management. He is the second high level Woyanne regime official to defect in the U.S. this month.

In early July, propaganda chief Bereket Simon’s deputy, Ato Ermias Legesse, has disappeared after arriving in the U.S. on a business trip.

More from The Reporter:


የቴሌ ኤጀንሲ ዳይሬክተር አሜሪካ ቀሩ

የኢትዮጵያ ቴሌኮሙኒኬሽን ኤጀንሲ ዳይሬክተር አቶ እሸቱ ዓለሙ ለስብሰባ አሜሪካን ሄደው እንደቀሩ ተጠቆመ፡፡ የፖለቲካ ጥገኝነት መጠየቃቸውም ታውቋል፡፡ አቶ እሸቱ ከሚያዝያ 25 ቀን 2001 ዓ.ም. ጀምሮ ለ15 ቀናት በኤክስኪዩቲቭ ቴሌኮም ማኔጅመንት ስልጠና ለመሳተፍ አሜሪካ እንደሄዱ ምንጮቻችን፣ ተናግረዋል፡፡

ከ1995 ዓ.ም. ጀምሮ አሜሪካ እስከሄዱበት ቀን ድረስ የኤጀንሲው ዳይሬክተር ሆነው ሲሰሩ የነበሩት አቶ እሸቱ፣ በኢሜል በላኩት መልዕክት በአሜሪካ እንደሚቆዩ ማረጋገጣቸውን ለእሳቸው ቅርበት ያላቸው የሥራ ባልደረቦቻቸው አመልክተዋል፡፡

ከኬሚስትሪ በተጨማሪ በኢንፎርሜሽን ሳይንስ የማስትሬት ዲግሪ እንዳላቸው በፕሮፋይላቸው ላይ የጠቀሱት አቶ እሸቱ የቴሌኮሙኒኬሽን ኮርፖሬሽን ቦርድ አባል ሆነው ያገለገሉ ሲሆን ቀደም ሲል በሳይንስና ቴክኖሎጂ ኮሚሽን የተለያዩ ኃላፊነቶች ላለፉት 7 ዓመታት ሰርተዋል፡፡

FIFA readmits Ethiopia federation

Sunday, July 19th, 2009

ADDIS ABABA, ETHIOPIA — The Ethiopian Football Federation (EFF) has been readmitted to world football after elections for a new leadership were held on Saturday.

A three-man delegation from world football’s governing body, Fifa, said that they were “satisfied with the result”.

In-fighting at the EFF led to Ethiopia being thrown out of the qualifiers for the 2010 World Cup and Africa Cup of Nations last July.

Sahlu Gebrewold Gebremariam was voted in as president of the EFF, replacing Dr Ashebir Woldegiorgis, who resigned in May.

Sahlu was the only candidate for president in Saturday’s elections for a new executive, as the two other contestants pulled out the previous day.

He said that his priority is to heal the rift in the game in the country and to “facilitate a renaissance in Ethiopian football”.

There was a mood of relief at the meeting, and loud clapping when the head of the Fifa delegation handed over a Fifa flag to the newly-elected president of the EFF.

- By Uduak Amimo | BBC

Internal crisis engulfs Ethiopia's UDJ Party

Saturday, July 18th, 2009

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia — Unity for Democracy and Justice Party (UDJ), whose leader {www:Birtukan Mideksa} is currently in jail, has been engulfed with internal crisis even before it was officially formed. In the past few weeks, the crisis has reach at a critical level where the party is heading toward a split up, one side headed by the acting chairman, Ato Gizachew Shiferraw, and the other, a dissident group led by Prof. Mesfin Woldemariam. Awramba Times and The Reporter have the following reports:

UDJ to take measures against dissident members

Addis Ababa (The Reporter) — The Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ) Party will hold a meeting today to take measures on council members accused of distributing “defamatory document” on executive members of the party. The party has suspended 21 members of the party on Tuesday, and today’s decision by the party expected to be harsher than ever.

Dr. Hailu Araya, vice president and public relations head of the party said that they suspended certain members of the standing committee members of the council, and the party will deliberate on other members, including Prof. Mesfin Woldemariam.

The disagreement in the party was a turning point after a document was distributed among the party members by Prof. Mesfin and other members. The document, entitled “abusing power”, accused members of the executive committee of the party. The authors of the document said that the leadership of the party was abusing the power entrusted to them.

Dr. Hailu said that the content of the distributed document was full of unsubstantiated allegations. If there is a problem within the leadership of the party, they should present their disappointment through the party’s proper channel.

The document was distributed to members last Sunday at a meeting called by the party to brief members about joining the opposition parties’ coalition, Forum, and to discus current affairs within the party.

Prof. Mesfin and other members said in the document that since Birtukan Midekssa, president of the party, was detained, the party under Eng. Gizachew Shiferaw, who is now acting leader, had failed to show effective leadership. Instead, it said, the executive committee does not want to discuss issues with members, was not welcoming criticisms, does not want to acknowledge the efforts of youth members and is not fit to lead the party.

In addition to that, they said, the executive committee is squandering the money collected form members to recruit supporters, harassing members who are challenging them and acting in contravention of the statutes of the party, which is against the principles of the party.

Except for minor differences and disappointments with the executive committee of the party, the distributed document did not reflect major differences of opinion. However, some party members have begun to show disappointment that their party would not stand firm if things are carried out in this manner.

Dr. Hailu said that the basic difference between the party leadership and Prof. Mesfin and others is the issue of collaborating with the Forum. Joining the forum will strength the party to sustain its agenda in Ethiopian politics during and beyond elections, he said, adding that if members were not happy there is a party discipline to discuss issues in appropriate way rather than brewing differences by propagating false allegations.

የስብሰባውን አላማ በመቃወም 10 የአንድነት


አዲስ አበባ (አውራምባ ታይምስ)፡- ‹‹የፓርቲው አባላት ያለህገ ደንብ ይባረራሉ፤ በአመራሮቹ ዘንድ አምባገነንነት ሰፍኗል›› የሚል አቋም አንግበው ተቃውሞአቸውን በማስተጋባት ላይ የሚገኙት ፕ/ር መስፍን ወ/ማሪያም፣ዶ/ር ሽመልስ ተክለጻድቅና አቶ ደበበ እሸቱ ፓርቲው በዛሬው እለት የሚያደርገውን ስብሰባ በመቃወም ሳይሰበሰቡ መቅረታቸውን የአውራምባ ታይምስ ምንጮች ገለጹ፡፡

አንድነት ፓርቲ በእነዚህ አመራሮች ላይ እርምጃ ለመውሰድ በዛሬው ዕለት የብሄራዊ ምክር ቤት ስብሰባ ጠርቶ የነበረ ሲሆን የዚሁ ምክር ቤት አባላት የሆኑትና በዛሬው ዕለት መገኘት የነበረባቸው አስር አባላት ፕ/ር መስፍን፣ዶ/ር ሽመልስ ተክለጻድቅ፣ወ/ሮ ሀና ዋለልኝ፣ወ/ሪት ትዕግስት ተሾመና አቶ ታምራት ታረቀኝን ጨምሮ ሁሉም ሳይገኙ መቅረታቸውንና የኦዲትና ኢንስፔክሽን ሃላፊው አቶ ወረታው ዋሴም ለእነፕሮፌሰር መስፍን ድጋፋቸውን በመስጠት በስብሰባው ላይ ሳይገኙ ቀርተዋል፡፡

በተያያዘ ዜና ፕሮፌሰር መስፍን ወልደማሪያም ‹የአንድነት ስራ አስፈጻሚ ውስጥ አብዮታዊ ጡንቻ ነግሷል› በሚል ርዕስ ዛሬ ይፋ ባደረጉት ጽሁፍ ‹‹… የሰብዓዊ መብቶችን እናስከብራለን ተብሎ የተቋቋመው ፓርቲ ሰብዓዊ መብቶችን እየጣሰ፣የፓርቲው ገንዘብ ለመደለያ ወይም ለማስፈራሪያ እየዋለ ነው›› ሲሉ የገለጹ ሲሆን ስራ አስፈጻሚው በጥቅም በተሳሰሩ ሰዎች አንድ አካል አንድ አምሳል ሆነው የተለየ አስተሳሰብ ያላቸውን ሁሉ እየመነጠረ በማስወጣት ላይ ነው ሲል የፕሮፌሰር ጽሁፍ ያትታል፡፡

Ethiopia's Kenenisa has eyes on one-million-dollar jackpot

Saturday, July 18th, 2009

By Mark Rodden | RFI

Three women – Kerron Stewart in the 100 metres, Sanya Richards in the 400 metres and record-breaking pole vaulter Yelena Isinbayeva – are also in the running for the prize.

Ethiopia’s Kenenisa Bekele missed the cross-country and indoor seasons through injury but wins at Golden League meetings in Berlin, Oslo and Rome suggest he is nearing his best form again.

At Friday’s event in the French capital though, the Olympic champion and world-record holder over 5,000 and 10,000 metres will be presented with a different challenge. Unlike the previous meetings this year, there is no 5,000 metre race in Paris. Instead Bekele will have to win over 3,000 metres if his pursuit of the jackpot can continue.

This means Bekele should face stiff competition from Kenyan-born US athlete Bernard Lagat at the Stade de France, but the 27-year-old is not too disappointed at having to run over a shorter distance.

“I don’t want to run every week 5,000 metres,” Bekele said on Thursday. “I’m feeling good, I’ve prepared well and my condition is really good. I think I will have a good result tomorrow.”

When it comes to athletes as consistently groundbreaking as Bekele, it’s inevitable that questions about world records will come up. The news that Bekele’s manager, Jos Hermens, requested that a number of fast pacemakers be included in Friday’s line-up suggests his race will be worth watching.

“I will try to break a record,” Bekele said. “If a record is not [possible] maybe I can run my personal best. But to run a personal best, it’s not easy. My personal best is 7:25 so I will see tomorrow.”

After Friday’s race, Bekele will return to Ethiopia to continue his preparations for the World Championships in Berlin next month. Chances are he’ll be leaving Paris with a million other things on his mind as well.

Ethiopia's king of pop Teddy Afro to be released on August 15

Friday, July 17th, 2009

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia — The Appeals Court in Addis Ababa on Thursday ruled in favor of Teddy Afro (Tewodros Kassahun), according to sources close to the family.

The Court rejected the prosecutor’s appeal to reverse the previous court decision to lower Teddy’s prison sentence from 6 years to 2.

Teddy has already served over 14 months in jail and will be released next month.

Related:

* Woyanne throws Teddy Afro in jail
* Teddy Afro gets a 6-year jail sentence
* Teddy Afro – a victim of ruthless dictatorship
* The celebration of Teddy Afro’s ideals and vision
* VIDEO: Teddy Afro steals Beyone’s show in Addis

A new book by Esayas Lisanu

Friday, July 17th, 2009

Co-host of the Washington DC-based Netsanet LeEthiopia Radio, Ato Esayas Lisanu, has published a new book in Amharic, “Kenahu Bechereka” (I Envy the Moon). There will be a book signing ceremony at the Unification Church in Washington DC on July 24, 2009, starting at 6:00 PM. See the poster below for more information.

Esayas Lisanu

Ato Meles and his interviews – reading between the lines

Thursday, July 16th, 2009

By Yilma Bekele

Dear Ato Meles, I have been following your interviews with the foreign media the last few months. I have no idea why you prefer to discuss matters regarding our country with the foreign press. One would think that it would be better to discuss your plans, dreams and musings with the Ethiopian people rather than blabber with foreign journalists who a) are not well informed about the country b) do not give a figs leaf what you a Prime Minister of one of the poorest country have to say and bury the story on page ten beside the obituaries forcing us to dig deep so we the concerned can publish it on page one.

To say I am always baffled after reading or listening to your interviews is putting it mildly. You always seem to have a different take on the situation in the country. The facts on the ground do not seem to support the conclusions you reach. Have you thought of any reason why that is so?

I know it is presumptuous of me to comment on the matter and I humbly ask your Excellency to indulge me in this little exercise to set the record straight. First and foremost I want you to know that I wholly understand that when one is isolated from normal everyday human contact one develops certain ideas and beliefs not grounded in fact or truth. From what I understand you have been residing at your current address since 1991. Shall we just say Arat Kilo is an awe-inspiring location?

I did not have the privilege of visiting the inside but I am sure it is very luxurious. It must have beautiful hardwood floors in the dining rooms, Italian tiles in bath bathrooms, thick Persian or Afghan rugs and carpets in the bed rooms, long Mahogany dining room tables with beautiful chandlers and real crystal lights everywhere, oh let us just say opulent. I hope the previous tenant did not remove some of the expensive items. He left in a little bit of a hurry so may be he did not have time to loot. I know for a fact that you have turned the place into a modern fortress since you moved in. It is highly possible the so-called Green Zone in Iraq was a copy of Arat Kilo.

The move from ‘meda’ to palace must have been most jarring to say the least. Unless handled carefully such a move can cause a lot of anxiety and delusion. Believe me it is normal. Here in the US we witness that all the time. Most athletes from the inner cities are prone to that. The idea of jumping from public housing one bedroom apartment to signing a multi-million-dollar contract has been blamed for plenty of meltdowns.

It is fair to say it has been over eighteen years since you have found yourself in the company of ordinary people discussing ordinary issues as an equal. You have managed to get rid of a majority of the people who know you as Legesse. Some have died under peculiar circumstances, you have jailed quite a few, some have been exiled to far away places and some have resigned before you got to them. That leaves the few that have accepted their location on the bottom of the totem pole. Those are the sycophants. The yes men, the flatters. There is no one in the vicinity that is able to correct you when you are wrong, advise you when you err or set you straight when you digress.

I believe that explains the many false statements you seem to utter to the complete disbelief of your country’s people. As I said before this little note is to help you see the other side of the story. It is an attempt to show you a different perspective so you know that there is another reality outside of Arat Kilo.
I will start with your recent interview with the Financial Times of London on June 23. A lot of UN true stuff was said. I will not bother with most of your answers except the one dealing with the free press.
FT: All these events have contributed to an atmosphere where people do not feel free to speak.
MZ: Have you read the local newspapers? Do they mince their words about government …
You see my problem here? What local newspaper are you talking about? Isn’t it true that after the 2005 elections you have managed to destroy the free press? Didn’t your government enact new legislation to strangle the press? For your information you own the single television transmitter, you won the single short wave radio transmitter and you own the telecommunication department. There is no free press in Ethiopia. There are a few that are struggling with a loaded gun held to their temple. Somehow they manage to publish. You really do not think that we consider ‘The Ethiopian Reporter’ as an example of free press do you? We know it is there to give legitimacy to your regime. Nothing more.

In August of 2008 you told your Parliament “In general, we don’t expect drastic effects on our economy, our financial structure is not as liberalized as those of affected countries and the economy is not intertwined to Western economies to face a crisis” Do you want to revise that assertion? Do you see now that our country is not an island? Why were you unable to see that the single crop Ethiopia has been peddling before you were born is going to be affected by world economy slow down? How come you did not know the double digit economic growth you have been shouting about is the result of misguided and selfish Ethiopians in the Diaspora investing in your real estate ponzi scheme and remittances are going to dry up?

Since the debacle of the 2005 election your National Bank has been printing Bir as if it is going out of style. What made you think this kind of irresponsible economic scheme will not result in inflation? I know you have to increase the money supply to keep up with the ever-increasing demand of the military, Kebele officials, public security personnel and various Kilil dogs you have to appease. Your government is the number one employer in the country. So now we are faced with both devaluation and inflation. Are you aware that you have to devalue the Bir by another 20%? Are we going to do five percent here nine percent there or are we going to swallow the bitter medicine all at once and get it over with? Inflation dipping to single digit…when pigs fly.

You have been titillating us with this talk of quitting why is that? This is what you told Financial Times:

FT: Why is it that Ethiopians don’t really believe you could go?

MZ: Because it has not been done in the past in Ethiopia.

FT: But this is a precedent you would like to set?

MZ: This is a precedent that I would almost kill to set.

Very dramatic indeed. Believe me you can purchase a ticket from your local TPLF kiosk and fly away and no one will care. Killing, beating and maiming is an obsession with you TPLF folks. There is no need to kill anybody, but if you have to kill may we suggest one of your comrades. On the other hand there are a few unsettled businesses between the Ethiopian people in general and you and your TPLF cadres in particular. The massacre in the aftermath of the 2005 elections is in the forefront. I believe Judge Wolde Michael Meshesha would like to interview you about that without the presence of your armed goons. There are also a lot of families that want closure and justice done. There is also the murder of Professor Asrat, Assefa Maru and god knows how many more to be dealt with. You really do not think all will be swept under the rug do you? We don’t care what Ledetu have promised you but it will not work.
When you say your party have to agree what exactly does that mean? Are they asking for blanket forgiveness for all crimes committed the last eighteen years? Are they demanding Parliamentary resolution to that effect? Are they threatening you in anyway, something like we all go together or we stay put? Most of you in the politburo are exposed to criminal charges whereas the rank and file is afraid of economic meltdown. It must be difficult to explain how one becomes a multi millionaire in a mere fifteen years. Is this the discussion inside the TPLF? We know for a fact that those ‘teletafis’ or pretend party’s are unsettled about this talk of you leaving them high and dry to face the music. They never thought the end was coming. Do you stay awake all night thinking about all these unpleasant matters? Do you think you are clever and you will manage to squeeze out of this predicament you find yourself in?
They say hindsight is one hundred percent, do you look back and think may be you should have exited peacefully in 2005? What did all that killing bring you except a few million more and universal condemnation? Are you improvising as you go along or do you really have a plan for what is about to happen tomorrow?

The world has changed a lot since 2005. The hate level of the Ethiopian people against your TPLF cadres has skyrocketed, the economy has tanked and there is no light at the end of the tunnel. Creating ethnic tension has become too obvious, terrorism is so yesterday it has been devalued more than your Bir and your loyal dogs are lined up by the exit door (check out your Communications Minister who is getting ready to spill his guts on Addis Voice, VOA or DW radio) If I were you I will assign loyal cadres to watch Addisu, Dula, Kumsa, Azeb and Kasu Ilala. Betrayal is second nature in your sorry outfit.

So you said you want to retire in peace and rest. Well let me tell you what the opposition have in store for the future of our country upon your departure to Kaliti. Here are the top ten:

· Truth and reconciliation committee will be set up. Citizens will be encouraged to file grievances.
· New Constitution will be written after extensive discussion and debate.
· Kilils will be abolished.
· Land belongs to the individual not the government will be the law.
· All confiscated property will be returned to the lawful owners.
· Television, radio, newspaper, Internet and telephone service will be in private hands.
· All bank account, property and assets of former officials will be frozen awaiting certification of how it was amassed.
· All international agreements and deals made by the TPLF government will be subject to review.
· The millions of Ethiopians in the Diaspora will be encouraged to return home and participate in building the motherland. When we say contribute it is not bars or nightclubs but farming, industry and other productive enterprises.
· That ugly symbol you affixed will be removed from our flag never ever to be seen again.
I know all the foreign press has been asking you about the increasing repression, your hasty departure from Somalia, the drying up of foreign reserve and now the lack of electricity in 2009. No one seems to have any thing good to say about your regime. Judge Bertukan’s star is shining bright from behind bars. Your feeble attempts to rub shoulders with democratically elected leaders have only brought you further humiliation. Brave leaders face the consequences of their actions head on and either apologize to their people or take the Japanese way out you know what I mean. Which one would it be? Riding peacefully into the sunset is out of the question!

Ethiopia's fake patriarch send his goons after bishops

Thursday, July 16th, 2009

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia — It is reported that last night several unknown individuals have attacked at least three bishops of the Ethiopian Orthodox church who are thought to be opponents of the fake patriarch of Ethiopia, Aba Gebremedhin (formerly known as Aba Paulos), who was installed by the Woyanne tribal regime.

According to the Amharic online journal, Deje Selam, those who were attacked include Abune Fanuel, Abune Qerlos and Abune Epifanios.

Read more at Deje Selam. Click here.


ዛሬ ረቡዕ ከምሽቱ አራት ሰዓት ጀምሮ በአካባቢው ያለውን የመብራት መጥፋት ተገን ያደረጉ ሰዎች በብፁዓን አባቶች ላይ አደጋ መጣላቸው ተሰማ።

የደጀ ሰላም ምንጮች እንደተናገሩት ከምሽቱ 4 ሰዓት እስከ 5 ሰዓት ባለፈው ጊዜ ማንነታቸው ለጊዜው ያልታወቀ ሰዎች የብፁዓን አባቶችን መኖሪያ በመደብደብ፣ በር ገንጥሎ በመግባት አደጋ ማድረሳቸው ሲታወቅ ይህ ዜና በተጠናቀረበት ወቅት አባቶች ላይ የደረሰው አደጋ ምን እንደሆነ፣ የተጎዱትስ አባቶች ምን እንደገጠማቸው አልታወቀም። ምንጮቻችን እንደተናገሩት ብፁዕ አቡነ ኤጲፋንዮስ ሳይሆኑ አይቀሩም፣ ሲጮሁና “አድኑኝ” ሲሉ ተሰምተዋል ተብሏል።

ፓትርያርኩን በመቃወሙ ዘርፍ ስብሰባዎችን ሲመሩ የሰነበቱት የብፁዕ አቡነ ቄርሎስ መኖሪያ በር ከተሰበረ በሁዋላ ብፁዕነታቸው የመኝታ ቤታቸውን በር ቆልፈው ከአደጋው አምልጠዋል ተብሏል። ማንነታቸውን ለጊዜው ያላወቅነው አንድ አባት ግን ችግር ሳይደርስባቸው አልቀረም። እኚሁ አባት “ብፁዕ አቡነ ኤጲፋንዮስ ናቸው፤ ታፍነው ሳይወሰዱ አልቀሩም” ሲሉ ምንጮቻችን ጥቆማ ሰጥተዋል። ይህንኑ ያወቁ የፌዴራል ፖሊስ አባላት ወደ ጠቅላይ ቤተ ክህነት መግባታቸውም ታውቋል።

በሌላም በኩል ከጠቅላይ ቤተ ክህነቱ ውጪ ቃሊቲ አካባቢ ባለው መኖሪያቸው የሚኖሩት ብፁዕ አቡነ ፋኑኤል የጥቃቱ ኢላማ የነበሩ ሲሆን አደጋ ጣዮቹ በራቸውን በተደጋጋሚ ከደበደቡ በሁዋላ፣ በጥበቃ ሠራተኞቻቸው መኖር ከአደጋው አምልጠዋል ተብሏል። ብፁዕነታቸውም ወደ ፖሊስ ዘንድ በመሄድ ቃላቸውን ሰጥተው ተመልሰዋል።

የዛሬው አደጋ ኢላማ የሆኑት አባቶች የፓትርያርኩ ተቃዋሚዎችና በዛሬው ስብሰባ ላይ ጠንካራ ሐሳብ የሰነዘሩት ናቸው ተብሏል። ነገሩ በርግጥም በተባለው መልኩ ተፈጽሞ ከሆነ ቤተ ክርስቲያን ታላቅ አደጋ ላይ የመሆኗ የመጨረሻ ምልክት ይሆናል ማለት ነው።

አባቶች አካላዊ ጉዳት እንዳልደረሰባቸው ታወቀ

(ደጀ ሰላም፤ ጁላይ 16/2009)

ረቡዕ ከምሽቱ አራት ሰዓት ጀምሮ በአካባቢው ያለውን የመብራት መጥፋት ተገን ያደረጉ ሰዎች በብፁዓን አባቶች ላይ አደጋ ለመጣል በተደረገው ሙከራ ከንብረት ውድመትና አባቶችን ከማጎሳቆል ባለፈ አካላዊ ጉዳት በሚያደርስ መልኩ አደጋ የደረሰበት አባት እንደሌለ ታወቀ።

ብዙ የጥበቃ ሠራተኞች በሚተራመሱበት የቤተ ክህነት ግቢ ውስጥ በሚገኘው የብፁዓን አበው መኖሪያ ሕንጻ ላይ በተሰነዘረው በዚህ አደጋ የቅዱስ ሲኖዶስ መብት አስጠባቂነቱን ስብሰባ በመምራት ላይ የሚገኙት የብፁዕ አቡነ ቄርሎስ ቤት በሮች ከተሰባበሩ በሁዋላ እርሳቸው ግን በእግዚአብሔር ቸርነት ሲተርፉ በተመሳሳይ መልኩም የብፁዕ አቡነ ሳዊሮስ ቤት በር ተሰባብሯል ተብሏል።

ከሌሎቹ በተለየ የብፁዕ አቡነ ቄርሎስ ቤት ለአደጋ የተጋለጠበት ምክንያት የአባቶች ፊርማ ያረፈበት ቃለ ጉባዔ እርሳቸው ዘንድ ስለሚገኝ ሊሆን እንደሚችል ምንጮቻችን አብራርተዋል። ከርሳቸው በተጨማሪ ብፁዕ አቡነ መልከ ጼዴቅ ለተወሰነ ጊዜ “ታፍነው፣ ማስፈራሪያና ዛቻ” ደርሶባቸው ተለቀዋል የተባለ ሲሆን ሌሎች ምንጮች በበኩላቸው ምንም እንዳልደረሰባቸው ይናገራሉ።

ይህ ሁሉ ሲሆን የግቢው የጥበቃ ክፍል ምን ይሠራ እንደነበር፣ የት እንደነበር ገና ምርመራ ያስፈልገዋል። አደጋውና በር- ሰበራው ለጆሮም ለዓይንም የማይሰወር፣ እንኳን የጥበቃ ሠራተኞች ራሳቸው ፓትርያርኩም ሊሰሙት የሚችሉት እንደሆነ ተገልጿል። አባቶች ስለ ቤተ ክርስቲያን ያላቸውን አቋም በመግለጻቸው ብቻ ጥበቃ ሊደረግላቸው ሲገባ ለአደጋ በሚጋለጡበት ሁኔታ መተዋቸው የተደፈረችው ቤተ ክርስቲያን መሆኗን ያሳያል ተብሏል። አደጋው መድረሱን ያወቁ አንድ አባት ለጥበቃ ሰዎች ቢናገሩም የሚደርስ ሰው አለመገኘቱ ሲታወቅ መንግሥት በእምነት ደረጃ የሃይማኖት አባቶች፣ በዜግነት ደረጃ አረጋውያን የሆኑ አቅመ ደካማ ዜጎቹን ለመጠበቅ አለመቻሉ አነጋግሯል።

ዛሬ ጠዋት አባቶች በአካል በተገናኙበት ወቅት ስለ ጤንነታቸውና ስለ አጠቃላዩ ሁኔታ ሲነጋገሩ መታየታቸው ታውቋል። በዚህ የመንፈስ መረበሽና የሴኪዉሪቲ እጦት መንፈስ ምን ዓይነት ስብሰባ ሊያኪያሂዱ እንደሚችሉ ብዙዎችን ግራ አጋብቷል። በዚህ ወንጀል ውስጥ ሊሳተፉና ሊመሩ የሚችሉ እነማን ሊሆኑ ይችላሉ የሚለውን ጥያቄ ለመመለስ የራሳቸውን መላምት የሚሰጡ ምንጮቻችን እንደሚናገሩት በፓትርያርኩ መሪነት እርሳቸውን ተገን አድርገው የሚንቀሳቀሱት ማፊያ ቡድኖች፣ በተለይም የእጅጋየሁ በየነና የቅዱስነታቸው የወንድም ልጅ የሆነው የያሬድ ጋሻ ጃግሬዎች ሳይሆኑ አልቀሩም ይላሉ። ሌሎችም በበኩላቸው መንግሥት የሚጫወተው ድራማ ወይም በቁልቢ ብር የተገዙ የደህንነት ሠራተኞች የሚሰሩት ሕገ ወጥ ድርጊት ይሆናል ሲሉ ግምታቸውን ይናገራሉ።

በትናንት ረቡዕ ስብሰባ ፓትርያርኩ “ሕገ ቤተ ክርስቲያን የምትሉትን አልቀበልም፣ የማንም ዱርዬ የሠራው ነው፣ … ሲኖዶሱ ተጠሪነቱ ለፓትርያርኩ ነው” የሚለው ክርክራቸው ከከሸፈ ወዲህ በትልቅ የተስፋ መቁረጥ ሁኔታ ላይ ይገኛሉ። ነገሩ በዚህ ካለቀ ችግር ውስጥ የሚገባው የፓትርያርኩና የማፊያዉ ቡድን ወደ ጥቃት የተሸጋገረው ለዚህ ሳይሆን አይቀርም ተብሎ ተገምቷል። ሲኖዶሱ በመንግሥት ባለሥልጣናት አሸማጋይነት የጀመረው ስብሰባ ዛሬም ቀጥሎ በአዲስ አበባ ሀ/ስብከት ሊቀ ጳጳስ በብፁዕ አቡነ ሳሙኤል እግድና በሌሎች አጀንዳዎች ዙሪያ ለመነጋገር ቀጠሮ ነበረው።

The first Ethiopian on Mt. Everest

Wednesday, July 15th, 2009

Mt. Everest, the highest mountain in the world, is the ultimate challenge for mountain climbers who dare conquer its feat. Many, amongst the elite in the mountain climbing community, have perished in their attempt to reach the peak.

Still many developed nations and some developing, have had the pleasure and pride to have their nationals hoist their flag with all its glory up held high. Upon the triumphant return of Vilane, the first South African, an ecstatic President Thabo Mbeki declared, “Today all Africans stand 8,848m tall. Vilane has made all of us stick our chest out in justifiable pride and wonder” (2003). This time, it will be our own Sirak, with our beloved Green, Yellow and Red on top of the world.

You can help Sirak place an Ethiopian flag on Mt. Everest for the first time in history by making a contribution to, The First Ethiopian on Mt. Everest Mission… [read more]

Ethiopia's regime expels 13 American and British tourists

Wednesday, July 15th, 2009

ADDIS ABABA (ST) — Ethiopian authorities expelled at least 13 American and British nationals who had entered the horn of Africa’s nation on a tourist visa.

The tourists were expelled after local authorities caught them traveling in troubled eastern part of Ethiopia where the tourists were not allowed by government body to travel to, reliable sources indicated.

“They had a tourist visa but unlike other arrivals they were traveling to non-tourist sites on their own” reached by phone a government official on a condition of anonymity told Sudan tribune from Addis Ababa.

“No foreign visitor is allowed to travel as its wishes without the knowledge of government,” he said, adding “Such an attempt is off a tourist duty, irresponsible and could be dangerous.”

“Ethiopia can’t guarantee the safety of such travelers, but expel them back,” he concluded.

The official didn’t say if they were involved in local politics or if they are of Somali origin.

There is no a clear confirmation at this point on the specific area they traveled to, why and their numbers on separate citizen.

But there are some unconfirmed sources that the foreign tourists were caught up on travel to the volatile Ogaden region where government and ONLF rebels frequently battle.

A US diplomat in Addis Ababa, Kevin Oconer confirmed the incident but decline to give any further details.

The diplomat said that it is the US state department responsible for comments not Addis Embassy.

The Ogaden National liberation Front (ONLF) who seeks autonomy for the ethnically eastern Somali Ogaden region claimed in a statement released last week killing 80 Ethiopian soldiers. But Ethiopian communications Minister, Bereket Simon played it down saying the reverse is rather true.

Ethiopian forces launched an assault against the rebels after fighters of the On April, 2007 attack a Chinese-run oil field in Abole, Somali region, killing approximately 65 Ethiopians and 9 Chinese nationals.

Ethiopian man convicted of killing U.S. diplomat

Wednesday, July 15th, 2009

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia — A 23-year-old man who was arraigned before the Ethiopian High Court, on homicide charges, has been sentenced to a 17-year prison term over the murder of an American diplomat in Addis Ababa.

The 25-year-old American diplomat, Brian Adkins was found dead in his Addis Ababa home in February this year. According to official sources, the U.S. diplomat’s corpse was covered in wounds when it was discovered.

The discovery, which suggested foul play at first sight, prompted the country’s Federal Police to embark on an intensive investigation and later an extensive search.

The 23-year-old Ethiopian suspect was arrested in a remote area of the country a week after a nationwide search launched.

During his trial, shortly after the arrest, the suspect defended himself claiming self defence. According to him, “The diplomat violently tried to rape me … that is what pushed me to react in self defence”.

His argument, however, did little to help his case. The victim’s numerous wounds, it is argued, suggests more than a simple case of self defence. The court on July 9 found him guilty on murder charges and sentenced him the next day to a 17 year prison term.

Brian Adkins was a Foreign Service officer who worked in the consular section of US embassy in Addis Ababa. A graduate of George Washington University in Washington, Ethiopia was his first foreign assignment for the State Department.

- By Desalegn Sisay | AFRIK

Bereket Simon's assistant defected in the U.S.

Wednesday, July 15th, 2009

ADDIS ABABA, ETHIOPIA (AFP) – Ethiopia’s state minister for communication affairs [who works under the propaganda chief Bereket Simon] has refused to return home from the United Sates after an official visit, a top government official told AFP Wednesday.

Ermias Legesse was issued with an 11-day visa and left for the US in the second week of June, but has not returned.

“He didn’t report back, but there is nothing political in that,” said the official who spoke on condition of anonymity.

“He has chosen to stay there. It seems he has dreamt about going to the US,” he added. “Sometimes strange things happen.”

Ermias, who is in his thirties, was appointed to the position earlier this year.

The US embassy in Addis Ababa declined to comment on the matter, but a diplomatic source said Ermias “has not been reachable for several days.”

Eight Ethiopian women killed in the UAE

Tuesday, July 14th, 2009

By Benjamin Joffe-Walt | The Media Line

Sources at the Ethiopian embassy in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) told the Gulf News that eight female maids had been poisoned by a compatriot maid last Wednesday in an apartment in Sharjah, the largest city in the third largest emirate of the country.

The woman accused of killing the eight domestic workers is said to be held in the emirate’s central jail, but Sharjah police have publicly denied reports of the multiple murders, calling them “just rumors.”

The embassy sources said the police had reported the incident to them, but were still investigating the motive behind the killings.

The sources claimed the bodies of the eight murdered women had been transferred to the morgues at two local hospitals. Officials at both hospitals reported that no bodies had been brought to the morgue, but that it was possible the bodies had been sent for forensic examinations.

The women are understood to have been living together in an apartment in the Abu Shagara neighborhood of the city.

The UAE has received extensive criticism over the years from human rights and labor organizations over the conditions for foreign workers in the country.

Domestic workers, which make up a significant proportion of the UAE’s predominately foreign population, have complained of sub-standard housing, lack of medical care, abuse and non-payment of wages.

The average Emirati household had 10 members in 2008, including domestic workers and drivers. The average monthly wage last year for such a household was the equivalent of about U.S. $12,800.

The government announced new regulations two years ago requiring holiday, medical care and registered salaries for all foreign domestic workers in the country. A conflict resolution unit was also set up to resolve disputes between employees and workers.

“This is a category of workers that are extremely vulnerable because there are no labor laws that apply to them,” Ibrahim Awad, Director of the International Migration Program at the International Labor Organization, told The Media Line. “In most countries migrant domestic workers are not covered by domestic labor laws because their workplace is a household. This presents a very big challenge.”

“International instruments of human rights apply to domestic workers and there are regulations in the UAE that ensure that domestic workers are paid their wages,” Awad continued. “By law, passports and documents cannot be withheld from migrant workers, for example, but the degree of enforcement varies. This presents a particular problem for domestic workers because labor inspectors cannot get access to their workplaces as they work in private homes.”

The International Labor Organization plans to push international standards or labor recommendations for domestic laborers in their annual conference next year.

The United States recently placed the country on a watch list of countries with poor human trafficking records.

Ethiopian women are regularly trafficked via Djibouti, Egypt and Somalia for domestic servitude, particularly to the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Lebanon.

The Ethiopian government banned its citizens from traveling to Lebanon in May last year following the deaths of a number of Ethiopian domestic workers in the country. The ban remains in effect.

Worldwide teleconference with EPPF officials – Audio

Tuesday, July 14th, 2009

The following is an audio record of Ethiopian Review’s worldwide teleconference that was held on Sunday, July 12, 2009, with:

1. Ato Melkie Mengiste, Secretary General of EPPF International Committee
2. Ato Sileshi Tilahun, Organizational Head of EPPF International Committee
3. Ato Demis Belete, Head of EPPF’s Press Office and representative of the EPPF Washington Metropolitan Chapter

Click below to listen:
 

Johannesburg's Little Ethiopia

Tuesday, July 14th, 2009

By Laurice Taitz

More than 25 years ago I watched the Johannesburg Sun being built from the window of my orthodontist’s office in Lister Building, then the home of some of Joburg’s top medical specialists. There must be hundreds of now-adults who share this memory, straight teeth, and the image of Dr Chertkow and Lazerson’s shared consulting rooms with those purple and orange vinyl chairs.

Today that part of town bustles with clothing and blanket wholesalers, fruit vendors and minibus taxicabs. The Joburg Sun is now the KwaDukuzu Egoli Hotel and nearby is Blessed Miracle Wholesalers. The walls are plastered with adverts for abortions and for consultations with miracle prophets who hail from Zimbabwe. Finding a parking space is for the brave as the city planning in that part of town was – I am reliably told – shared by two different firms who drew their own street maps and then matched them up after the streets were built resulting in a weird glitch that causes traffic to have to bob and weave to make it across the street.

Just opposite the hotel and one block down on Delvers Street is a building with an entrance that spills onto the pavement, the home of a number of clothing wholesalers, dressmakers and Ethiopian coffee shops. Usptairs above the hustle of the streets in a coffee shop that had no name we ate injera – a traditional Ethiopian bread with a sourdough taste and spongy texture – with a range of small portions of beetroot, cooked spinach, a sweet potato and carrot mix, and some stewed beef.

The patrons all looked local to the place — mini Addis Ababa — and our host couldn’t have been more welcoming or gracious. No doubt he was curious about what had drawn white faces to that part of town, but was too polite to inquire. Having feasted we walked across the way past a restaurant where two men, on noticing us looking at their hot-pot of beef pieces, beckoned us to share it with them. We stopped for a taste and found enough reason to make a return visit.

It’s a perfect way to describe this city – full of unexpected tastes and encounters.

Sudan warns Uganda over violating AU decision on ICC

Monday, July 13th, 2009

KHARTOUM — The Sudanese government warned Uganda that it must honor the African Union (AU) decision not to cooperate International Criminal Court (ICC) in the apprehension of the Sudanese president Omer Hassan Al-Bashir.

Al-Bashir is wanted by the ICC on seven counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity. Last week the ICC prosecutor filed an appeal for the inclusion of genocide charges that were dropped by the judges for lack of evidence.

Last week the African Union (AU) summit in Sirte, Libya adopted a resolution instructing its ICC members not to cooperate in arresting Al-Bashir despite their legal obligations to do so.

Botswana is the only country to publicly dissent from the AU decision saying it will nab Bashir if he reaches its territory.

But on Friday Uganda issued a statement appearing to backtrack from the AU resolution it endorsed.

“As a signatory to the Rome Statute, Uganda Government re-iterates its commitment to the Statute and support to the ICC. This position is shared by the other African States Parties to the Statute who clearly expressed it during the Assembly meeting in Sirte, Libya,” the foreign ministry statement read.

“Uganda Government supports the African Union Assembly Decision….of February 2009 requesting the UN Security Council to defer the ICC indictment for twelve (12) months, in accordance with Article 16 of the Rome Statute”.

The statement made no reference to the AU decision taken in Sirte or whether Uganda will adhere to it.

The independent Al-Sahafa newspaper quoted an unidentified Sudanese official who said that any Uganda’s stance will negatively impact the latter more than it affects Sudan.

The official said that all African countries must adhere to AU decisions and any state that doesn’t do that is breaking the African consensus.

The ‘Ultimate Media’ website quoted Ugandan foreign minister Sam Kutesa as telling reporters in Kampala that the decision is viewed by many as “a manifestation of lack of respect and support for the ICC Rome Statute by African leaders”.

Kuteesa said that the AU simply wants an AU deferral to allow African countries “to investigate further on Bashir’s case such that they can give their recommendations on his indictment”.

The independent Sudanese Al-Sahafa newspaper reported that Bashir is scheduled to visit Uganda on July 26 to take part in the Ugandan-Turkish forum.

The Ugandan State Minister for International Affairs Henry Oryem Okello told Daily Monitor newspaper that Bashir will not be arrested during his visit.

Uganda’s stance on Bashir’s arrest warrant has been ambiguous despite backing AU decision criticizing it.

The Ugandan president Yoweri Musievini said last March that he wants neither to “condemn Bashir” nor “condone his actions”.

- Sudan Tribune

Korahubish, Emebet lead Ethiopian squad in Bressanone, Italy

Monday, July 13th, 2009

Bressanone, Italy — The Reporter — World Youth Steeplechase best holder Korahubish Itaa and junior runner Emebet Anteneh will lead Ethiopia’s strong team of fifteen athletes for the 6th IAAF World Youth Championships in Bressanone, Italy (8-12 July 2009).

Ita’a, who improved the World 3000m steeplechase youth best in Huleva, Spain last month, is the star of a large Ethiopian. In addition to her 9:29.52 performance in the Spanish city, Ita’a has enjoyed a much improved season since her fourth place finish in the World Juniors last year with a second place finish behind African champion Zemzem Ahmed in the Ethiopian national championships.

Her performance in Huelva also headed the national lists for the longer event until Sofia Assefa’s 9:19.91 second place finish in Oslo last Friday.

She will be joined in the girls’ 2000m steeplechase by Halima Hassen who has a personal best of 9:35.89 for the 3000m SC.

Ethiopia also boasts strong medal hopes in the girls’ 3000m, where Emebet Anteneh, seventh in the junior race at the 36th IAAF World Cross Country Championships in Amman, Jordan in March this year, is expected to be one of the top contenders. The 16-year old’s surprise third place at the national cross country trials behind established names likes Genzebe Dibaba and Sule Utura was the biggest surprise of the trials and earned her a first trip outside the country for competition.

Anteneh was surprisingly beaten to second place by Genet Yalew as the duo took the top two places at the East African Youth Championships held in Addis Ababa in April this year. Yalew, the Ethiopian 10,000m regional record holder and former champion, is also expected to be among the top contenders.

The top entrant in the boys’ team is steeplechaser Desta Alemu, who hopes to follow on from Legesse Lemiso, the first Ethiopian to win a global title over the steeplechase when he emerged victorious in Ostrava two years ago. (Elshadai Negash for the IAAF)

Ethiopian Team
Boys
800m: Fekadu Dejene
1500m: Girma Bekele, Zebene Alemayehu
2000m SC: Desta Alemu, Berhanu Sheferaw
3000m: Fekru Feyisa

Girls
800m: Tizita Bogale, Tenaye Lemi
1500m: Gete Dima, Merima Mohammed
2000m SC: Korahubish Itaa, Halima Hassen
3000m: Genet Yalew, Emebet Anteneh

The amorphous relationship between EPLF and TPLF

Monday, July 13th, 2009

Former chairman of the Tigran People Liberation Front (TPLF, aka Woyanne), Ato Aregawi Berhe, has just published a new book, “A Political History of the TPLF.” The book is important in understanding how the Woyanne tribal junta came to power, and its historical anti-Ethiopia stand. The chapter about the relationship between the Eritrean People Liberation Front (EPLF) and Woyanne is particularly revealing. (The book is available at Tsehai Publishers.) The following are some excerpts from the book.

The TPLF and the EPLF: Cupboard-Love Relationship

Excerpts from A Political History of the TPLF

By Aregawi Berhe

From the beginning, the relationship between the Tigray People Liberation Front and the Eritrean People Liberation Front was an amorphous connection, but on the side of the militant Tigraians, who counted on historical, cultural and kinship ties, it was believed the new relationship with the EPLF would work. There was the perception among TPLF members that the TPLF elite was well-educated and could articulate and extend the long-standing relationship between the two peoples beyond what Italian colonialists had created in the 1880s. However, considering the attitude of the EPLF that transpired in due course, it was by and large external circumstances, i.e., the pressure of a common enemy that propelled the relationship to work. Yet unlike the larger section of the ELF that was from the outset influenced by Islamist lowlanders, the EPLF had a clearer picture about cultural and political developments in Ethiopia in general and in Tigrai in particular, largely because of their affinity and exposure to kin across the Mereb River. Contacts between EPLF activists and militant Tigraians had started much earlier, during the Ethiopian student movement of the early 1970s.

When the militant Tigraians were confronted in 1974 by an aggressive military force, the Derg, that sought total obedience from everybody, they were in outright defiance and searched for support in order to launch armed insurgency. It was imperative for them to look for such support from the EPLF. But EPLF leaders, on the other hand, were hoping to find an ally in Ethiopia that could cooperate in expanding their theatre of operations. It was a time when the EPLF was badly in need of support from Ethiopian sympathizers in its efforts to dislodge the remaining government forces concentrated in a few towns in Eritrea. The well-publicized news of ELF-TLF joint operations inside Ethiopia in early 1975 must have motivated them to quickly link up with a Tigraian front. These circumstances led the TPLF-EPLF relationship to start before it had had time to conduct formal discussion or agreements. There seemed to be enthusiasm in the EPLF camp for supporting a Tigraian movement at this juncture, which led the forging of working relations between the two fronts.

After the initial connection was established, modalities of cooperation were expected to be set and political positions discussed and agreed upon, but the EPLF instead offered in advance to train as many recruits as the TPLF could mobilize. It was an attractive offer the TPLF could not afford to waste. It focused on seizing the opportunity and on finding recruits to be engaged in fighting the enemy. The formalities that would define the relationship between the two organizations were therefore ignored and informal contact became the defining aspect of the relationship.

Initially the cooperation appeared to go smoothly, but the EPLF’s support for the TPLF did not match the latter’s expectations. Many reasons could be attributed to this shift of attitude on the part of the EPLF: perhaps because the relationship was not based on a formal agreement, or existing relations between the EPLF and EPRP might have created reluctance of the EPLF towards the TPLF, or perhpas supporting a struggle for the self-determination of Tigrai might have set an unwanted precedent for Eritrea.

The EPRP was then considered the strongest revolutionary party and indeed had huge numbers of followers all over Ethiopia. It was also widely believed to assume power sooner or later. The EPLF too seemed to believe this. For the EPLF, its relationship with the EPRP was thus much more important, as the latter claimed to represent the whole Ethiopia. And when compared with the EPRP at that time (1975-76), the TPLF was just a small ethno-nationalist movement with fewer followers. However, there were some sticky political problems for both the TPLF and EPRP regarding Eritrea. While they recognized the struggle for the Eritrean independence as genuine, they had differences as to whether the case was a ‘colonial issue’ or not. Without conducting the necessary study or having appropriate discussions, the TPLF held the view that the Eritrean case was a ‘colonial question.’ as the EPLF wanted it to be. It was probably an opportunistic stand, designed to outflank the EPRP from the privileged position the EPLF offering it. Without understanding the consequences that were to haunt it in the discourse of Ethiopian political history, this position continued to be the stand of the TPLF for years to come.

Another concern of the TPLF was what the removal of the TLF from the scene, which took place as early as November 1975, would mean for the EPLF. The ELF’s wider mobility, supported by the a proxy organization in Tigrai, might have prompted the EPLF to initially look for its own proxy organizations in Tigrai to counter its rival. But once the TLF had been dissolved, the EPLF had less need to worry about the ELF’s activities gaining ground in Tigrai and beyond. That situation appeared to reduce the TPLF’s importance for the EPLF’s and gave more weight to its relations with the EPRP.

Towards the end of 1975, differences between the EPRP and the TPLF surfaced when they were operating in the same territory and trying to mobilize and organize the same people. News of rivalry between the two was also coming from the towns. On the initiative of the TPLF. leaders of both fronts met in Marwa in January 1976 to look into these encounters and consider possible remedies. The TPLF presented a suggestion that it thought would benefit both organizations and avoid them overlapping and clashing. The TPLF requested that the EPRP operate in regions of the country that the TPLF could not reach. By implication, the suggestion was recognition of the TPLF as the viable front that could take care of the struggle in Tigrai against the common enemy, the Derg. As we saw earlier, the demand infuriated EPRP delegates and they broke off the meeting and enmity was created. This was a concern fro EPLF leaders, but their main worry was that a fragmented or ethnically based movement in Ethiopia might weaken a viable future ally — the EPRP. Eventually, TPLF military action, like that launched against the TLF, would deprive the EPLF of an ally expected to seize power in Ethiopia and the anticipated acquiescence to handle the Eritran question would evaporate. The EPLF continued to exert pressure on the TPLF to come to terms with the EPRP and in a letter to the TPLF, the concerns of the EPLF were clearly stated, with an underlying warning note. For strategic purposes, the EPLF stood beside the EPRP and influenced by their leader’s desire to work with the EPRP, EPLF top cadres urged Ethiopians, and especially Tigraians in Eritrea, to join the EPRP and not the TPLF.

In the first half of 1976, the TPLF unexpectedly had released its controversial manifesto, better known as Manifesto 68. In this handwritten document, the TPLF declared that its struggle was for Tigrai’s independence from Ethiopia, which was basically the same claim the Eritrean fronts had put forward for their region. Earlier, this position had been entertained by the TLF, but it was vehemently rejected by the TPLF on the grounds that there was no historical or political justification for it. It was a surprise to many fighters to see their organization come up with such an unwarranted claim. The EPLF also opposed the TPLF manifesto for independence on the grounds that Tigrai was an inegral part of Ethiopia and there was no justification for secession from Ethiopia. At this time, the EPLF was reluctant to support separatist movements in Ethiopia, not just as a matter of princople but for various other motives as well… [more excerpts will be posted later]

Ethiopia: Cities plunge into darkness

Monday, July 13th, 2009

By Eden Habtamu | Ezega News

Addis Ababa — In Ethiopia, the rainy season starts sometime in June. This year, Ethiopian cities are starting the season dark and cold. Many people are spending their after work times at various places: cafeterias, bars, restaurants, cinema halls, religious centers, and so on. They don’t have power in their homes to do whatever they used to do.

Even worse, people are spending their daytimes idle – unless they have generators to work on, or they are lucky to be on day’s ration. Many large-scale industries were forced to stop operating by order from Ethiopian Electric Power Corporation (EEPCo) because they consumed large amount of electric power, which the EEPCo cannot afford. Many of them indicate that they are heading straight into bankruptcy which may lead into layoffs of thousands of employees.

Small-scale factories and businesses are facing a very challenging time as well. Due to the power shortage, many have cut their payroll. Some pay their employees according to the days and times their employees work, which can be about 50% of their normal salary or less. Elias Garment is among those terribly affected private companies that pay its employees according to power availability and times worked.

There are companies that gave their employee a forced leave as well. This may lead into unpaid leave if the scenario continues this way.

People are immensely affected by the power shedding which is supposed to be at 50% blackout nationwide. This is extremely bad in itself. However, in reality, the real power outage is greater than 50% – a real scandal by any measure.

Bekele Tekelu works at a barber shop. He earns 300 birr per month. Due to the power rationing, the shop could not even pay the increasing house rent because the shop income decreased by more than 50%. Bekele believes he is still employed because the shop belongs to his uncle. Bekele supports his two sisters and himself with his 300 birr salary, but now he is afraid that, if the power cut continues, he may lose his job very soon.

A well-known construction and consulting company co-owner expressed his dismay this way: “I cannot even start and comment on it. It is so clear we cannot perform according to plan. The construction sector is already burdened with various problems from different directions. On the top of that, we don’t have power that can meet our minimum needs. We may use generator as an alternative power for those areas that demand small amount of electric power, but for the rest, we cannot sustain the cost of fuel. We cannot work without cement, but how can we afford to buy 400 Br per quintal? If the power shortage continues this way, I am afraid we will have to cut our human resources as we are going into bankruptcy ourselves.”

Ezega.com tried to reach officials from the public sector and the EEPCo. One person we reached was Tadele Yimer, President of Employers Federation. Tadele said, “We did not hear much of layoffs related to power cut since March 2009. However, the power shortage is terribly affecting various industries and the service sector. As a result, the country will lose enormous amount of income which could have been obtained from taxes.”

Kassahun Follo, President of the Confederation of Ethiopian Trade Unions, told Ezega.com, “We do not have much information about employee layoffs so far. We heard that Nas Foods Plc did layoff temporary workers. We really hope the dams will be filled with sufficient water soon and the power shedding adjusted for the better.”

Ezega.com reached EEPCo public relation officer, Ato Misker Negash, through the phone. Here follows excerpts from that interview:

Ezega.com: EEPCo told the mass media that it knew of the power demand and supply incompatibility. Did you inform the public?

EEPCO: First we should be aware of the cause of the problem, which is the power supply and demand gap. These days electric power is more than a basic consumption – it has social, economic and political implications. Due to the rapid growth of the economy, our consumption increased highly. In addition to this growth, the adverse effect of climate also contributed its part. The increased temperature of the climate that causes evaporation of the water is also a global phenomenon that played a role for the current power shortage.

We brought a generator with a 60 MW capacity that cost EEPCo $20,000/month for rent and another four million ETB/day for fuel to run the generator. Along with the generator, we brought 4.6 million bulbs with a cost of 45 million birr which we assumed will save 87MW. EEPCo expected demand to increase by 21% in 2001E.C. In reality, it grew by 24%. This was not what we expected.

Ezega.com: In addition to these measures, have you informed the public that they could face power shortage, so they can look for alternatives? Was it not your responsibility to warn the public and especially the various industries, which may touch on peoples’ lives directly and indirectly?

EEPCo: I am afraid I cannot say we provided sufficient information for our clients adequately. But we tried to inform them in different sessions. I can’t say we provided enough information.

Ezega.com: If the power shortage continues this way companies may end up in bankruptcy and layoff their employees? What is the plan to avoid such chaos?

EEPCo: I believe we are currently fighting with nature. The rainfall appears to be promising so far. If it keeps on raining like it is right now, we are optimistic that the problem will be solved soon. Gilgel Gebi II hydro-power with a 420MW and Tekeze hydro-power with 300MW installed capacity are finalized with around 98% of their construction and expected to come to production late this year, or early in 2002 E.C. These are expected to meet the growing demand of electric power in the country.

Ezega.com: EEPCo announced the current power shedding months ago which should have expired by now. Many expect better power rationing, but power rationing nonetheless. What is your plan going forward, and when are you going to announce it to the public?

EEPCo: I am afraid that this is not something that we can talk about now. As I said earlier, if we get adequate rainfall, we will surely improve the supply and bring in Gilgel Gibe II and Tekeze projects to full operation to meet the growing demand. We don’t have tangible information on hand at the moment to predict what we will be capable of in the near future.

In his recent address to parliament, Prime Minster Meles attributed the responsibility for the power rationing to “Poverty”. EEPCo assured the rationing will remain until July 7, 2009. However, there is no solid promise unless the rainfall meets expectations to fill the dams.

Although public representative say there is no significant layoff due to this years power rationing, employers are suffering from unplanned expenses and various losses. Many businesses are on the verge of cutting back employees. No one can seriously believe that such massive power failure will have no impact.

If what happened in Ethiopia this year were to happen in almost any country, the consequences would have been very severe indeed, with repercussions to those in positions of authority who allowed this to happen willy-nilly. Many heads would roll at the very minimum, but not in Ethiopia.

Ethiopia's fake patriarch Aba Gebremedhin suspended

Monday, July 13th, 2009

Addis Ababa — Aba Gebremedhin (formerly known as Aba Paulos), the Woyanne cadre who is installed as the patriarch of Ethiopia’s Orthodox Tewahdo Church, has been stripped of most of his administrative duties by the Synod, the Church’s executive body, according to the Addis Ababa-based newspaper Awramba Times.

The Synod decided to take such measures against Aba Gebremedhin in an emergency meeting after he arbitrarily suspended Addis Ababa bishop Abune Samuel.

No rest for the wicked!

Monday, July 13th, 2009

By Alemayehu G. Mariam

Bored?

There has been much talk recently about the possible “retirement” of the über-boss in Ethiopia. Reuters reported that “… Meles Zenawi wants to step down after 18 years running sub-Saharan Africa’s second most populous country.” Apparently, the dictator is “bored” with the racket he has been running for the past 18 years, or at least nagging questions about when he will be calling it quits. The dictator says he needs the permission of La Famiglia, “his ruling party before he can leave.” Reuters rhetorically asked: “So when might he go? And what will happen if he does?”

According to Reuters’ guessing game, the dictator could “get permission to leave” at the party congress in September, but that is unlikely “a year before Ethiopia has its next national election due in June 2010.” He could be ousted as a result of an opposition win, but that “would be a shock. The 2005 elections ended in violence when Meles claimed victory, the opposition shouted fraud and about 200 protestors were killed by police and soldiers.” He “wins in 2010 and the opposition cries foul… But despite Ethiopia’s close relations with the West, allegations of fraud or violence would be more difficult for the international community to take a second time and the country could see its aid slashed, plunging it deeper into poverty.” The dictator’s party “wins the election, there is no violence and Meles will probably resign within two years and be replaced by a party loyalist who will continue his domestic, economic and foreign policies.” Or the dictator “serves another 5-year term and runs again.”

The dictator is dismissive of these speculations. He says he wants to relinquish power, go into retirement and “have a long good rest.”

To Chuckle or to Guffaw?

We have listened to the amusing blather about staying or leaving office for the past several years. We are never sure whether to chuckle or guffaw every time we hear it recycled through the propaganda machine: “I will resign. I will leave office at the end of my term, but only if my party allows me to. I will stay in office as long as my party demands it of me. I will leave office, but I won’t tell you when. I will leave office when I leave office. Oh! Questions about when I will leave office bore me.” Indeed, the whole affair has become a recurrent farcical comic opera. International journalists ask the dictator when he plans to leave, and he feeds them the same crock of ambiguous, opaque and enigmatic answers in his usual doublespeak and pretentious phraseology. The journalists draw up their own fanciful speculations about what he will do, and the charade goes on and on. But the climax of this bizarre jabber is always the same: “May be I will go. May be I won’t. It’s for me to know, and for the rest of you to speculate about and play guessing games.”

The Solipsistic Logic of Dictators

The question is never whether any dictator will stay or go. We know from Gandhi’s axiom that all dictators eventually go: “There have been tyrants and murderers and for a time they seem invincible but in the end, they always fall — think of it, ALWAYS.” The question about when a tyrant will fall is solipsistic (has special meaning only to the tyrant) and reveals much about the tyrant’s egoistic self-absorption and self-indulgence with power. The tyrant’s choice of the word “boring” to dismissively respond to questions about the timing of his departure is quite curious. Boredom and anxiety are states of mind on a psychological continuum. Could it be that giving a date certain for leaving office creates in the mind of the tyrant deep angst about unclinging from power and the potential consequences that could follow?

For the critical observer, the question of when the tyrant will leave office is a rhetorical tautology (that is, the question is incapable of producing a truthful answer that can be verified or falsified). In other words, any response by the dictator to the question is unlikely to produce or convey truthful or useful information regardless of how many times it is asked. The response will always be hedged and interwoven in a fabric of deceit and absurd contingencies such as obtaining permission from the party, new leaders taking over, democracy being institutionalized and so on. Consider the following muddled and transparently evasive response:

My personal position is that I have had enough. I am arguing my case and the others are also arguing their case. I hope we will come up with some common understanding on the way forward that would not require me to resign from my party that I have fought for all my life. We are not talking about Meles only. We are talking about the old generation. The party needs to have new leadership that does not have the experience of the armed struggle…. It would be very important for everybody, particularly for the fledgling democratic institutions of this country…. The party is in the process of dialogue, and sooner or later it will make its decision, and that will be it… We have a large leadership pool, any one of whom could take the mantle… [The ethnic background of his replacement] is not a prime consideration. The party has gone beyond that…”

It is not clear from the foregoing statement why the dictator can not leave office immediately or on a date certain, or what argument he is presenting for or against leaving office. But the dictator’s uncompromising conclusory statement “I have had enough.” objectively indicates that he has reached a final and irreversible psychological state on his tenure in office. Simply stated, the dictator is completely disgusted and bored with what he is doing. He does not want to do the job anymore. But he quickly qualifies his expression of disgust by pleading to stay in power so that he “would not [be] require[d] to resign from my party that I have fought for all my life”. He feigns humility by claiming that his staying or leaving office is not about him at all. It is really about the old guards passing the baton to the new generation of leaders and so on. He hedges by implying that he can not leave office until the generational transfer of power is complete. The whole self-contradictory response reflects the solipsistic narcissism of a megalomaniacal dictator who seeks to tether not only the fate of his party to himself, but also the country’s destiny.

But the dictator’s definitive statement invites further query: He has “had enough” of what exactly? Massive violations of human rights? Kangaroo court justice? Systemic corruption? Lies? Perhaps, he has had enough of THE TRUTH!?

All of this farcical talk about leaving office does have a not-so-hidden strategic purpose. It is intended as a trial balloon to divert attention from the already-won 2010 election. The dictator hopes to fool, confuse and confound the opposition and international donors by titillating them with the possibility of his leaving office. We will predict that the dictator and his gang will be shoveling loads of propaganda between now and the already-won election of 2010 in a futile effort to distract public attention and convince donors that they are the only viable democratic alternative.

We should refrain from playing a guessing game of who will replace the dictator. We know for a fact that replacing Tweedledee with Tweedledum from another ethnic group (or replacing the old guard from the days of the armed struggle with a newer generation of their clones) will not amount to a hill of beans. The problems that have been festering in Ethiopia for the past two decades can not be cured by the departure of a bored, jaded, dispirited and weary dictator, or by his replacement clone. The problems are structural and viral in the system of dictatorial mis-governance over the past 18 years. Let’s be crystal clear: The dictator’s “retirement”, “resignation” or whatever nonsense he is talking about will not mean the beginning of the rule of law and it will not mean the end of massive human rights violations. His retirement will not end arbitrary arrests and imprisonments; the independent media will not function freely because he goes; the bantustans of ethnic federalism he created to divide and rule will not vanish immediately, and corruption will not stop. There is only one way to bring about fundamental change: Replace the one-man, one-party dictatorship with a genuine multiparty system.

No Rest for the Wicked!

There is not a single instance in the history of modern dictatorships where dictators voluntarily packed up and left power one fine morning. Dictators are to power as bloodsucking ticks are to a cow. Neither can survive without its life-giving force. There are many reasons why dictators will not leave power voluntarily. In Ethiopia, the reason is that the dictators will never outplay themselves at their own zero sum game. For them leaving power means losing everything. EVERYTHING! It means being held accountable for their monstrous crimes; losing their privileged positions in society; giving up their ill- gotten gains and the absolute power they wielded for nearly two decades.

Old dictators never fade away; they just cling to power like bloodsucking tics on a cow, until they inevitably fall. Sometimes they do run, but they can never hide. As for a “long good rest,” it is written in the Book of Isaiah (57:20, 21), that “the wicked are like the troubled sea, when it cannot rest, whose waters cast up mire and dirt. There is no peace, saith my God, to the wicked.”

Ethiopia's capital plunges into darkness

Saturday, July 11th, 2009

By Jalene Gemeda | VOA

Addis Ababa — The power shortage in Ethiopia is affecting many areas of service. Addis Ababa and large urban centers experience blackouts for three or four nights a week.

Mehret Debebe, the CEO of the Ethiopian Electric Power Corporation says the outages will continue through July. Urban neighborhoods are without water, health facilities are without light and water, factories have shut down, shelves in many stores are empty and a growing number of people are without jobs.

The price of candles, lanterns and kerosene are rising every day, according to some residents.In some communities, residents complain that they are being billed for the electric power they haven’t used. The power outages frequently interrupt classes in schools, colleges and universities in many regions in Ethiopia where students follow lessons on large-screen plasma television monitors and perform research on computers. Evening classes are often plunged into darkness and cancelled.

“Because the country is going through a transforming economic growth, we are experiencing power shortages,” Mehret said. “Industries are booming, trade and the rate we are bringing electricity to rural towns created the shortage.

“We saw a 24 percent increase in demand. The problem persisted because our planned commissioning of two hydro-electric generating projects was postponed.

Minister of Energy and Mines Alemayehu Tegenu says upon completion of projects, Ethiopia not only will cover its electricity demand, but also, plans are already in place to export power to neighboring countries. “We are completing the construction of power cables that connect our hydro-electric power stations to neighboring countries,” he said.

Prime Minister Ethiopia’s tribal junta leader Meles Zenawi said, “The country is unable to curb the problem of power shortage on time, because our development partners didn’t provide us the support they had promised earlier. The shortage and the untimeliness of rain in Ethiopia is also another major factor that contributed to the problem.”

Ethiopia's tribal junta and ONLF rebels clash

Friday, July 10th, 2009

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia (AP) – The Ethiopian government Woyanne tribal junta and the Ogaden rebel group both claimed victory after weekend clashes in the east of the country, but there was no way to verify either side’s claims because of severe restrictions on reporting from the region.

Ethiopian Communication Minister Woyanne propaganda chief Bereket Simon said Monday the government had captured 60 men he described as «terrorists» trying to cross the border with Somalia, which is being riven apart by an Islamic insurgency. Simon said there were two clashes and the rebels were defeated. He declined to provide details of the fighting.

In e-mails purportedly from the Ogaden National Liberation Front, the group said they had killed 90 government troops and injured 100 others. The e-mails described battles over three days, including a number of wounded and injured in each encounter and the equipment captured. They also accused the government of executing a girl and five teenagers in the village of Kebridehar.

The e-mails also said the rebels had killed several army officers near Shilabo, 400 miles (650 kilometers) east of the capital of Addis Ababa. They said fighting was ongoing.

The rebels have been fighting for over a decade for greater autonomy for eastern Ethiopia, which is ethnically Somali. The government accuses the rebels of being terrorists funded by its archenemy Eritrea.

Verifying information from the Ogaden region is extremely difficult. The area is large, remote, difficult to navigate and certain areas, including the area in which the attack allegedly occurred, are under military occupation.

Aba Gebremedhin's Synod in Ethiopia rebels against him

Friday, July 10th, 2009

Addis Journal — The Holy Synod of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church is set to hold an emergency meeting Monday, Addis Neger reported.

[ER sources say that Azeb Mesfin, Meles Zenawi's wife, is backing the move by the Synod to strip most of Aba Gebremedhin's authority (formerly known as Aba Paulos).]

The Synod is expected to look at recent actions taken by Patriarch, Abune Pauols such as ‘disbanding the recently formed executive committee, suspending the bishop the Addis Ababa Dioceses and other unlawful hiring and dismissal of church leaders’.

Chair of the Executive Committee, Abune Timoties was said to have written letter to the Federal Police asking special protection and safety to the session.

In the last Holy Synod session from May 14 -21, a landmark resolution affecting the administration of the Church endowment was passed. It was decided that the hitherto administrator, Abune Paulos, was to hand over administrative power to the committee made up of seven bishops. But the committee was disbanded by the Patriarch weeks later.

Barack Obama's visit to Ghana is snub to Kenya

Friday, July 10th, 2009

By Jonathan Clayton and Tristan McConnell | Times Online

Barack Obama, Kenya’s most famous son, may have a deep attachment to his ancestral homeland but he is not letting emotions rule his head. On his first visit to sub-Saharan Africa since his election, he has snubbed his father’s birthplace by choosing to go to Ghana.

The Kenyan Government and its notoriously corrupt and quarrelsome ministers are not happy. On the other side of the continent in West Africa, however, Ghanaians are jubilant that America’s first black President has chosen their country for what they see as his first real visit to Africa, dismissing his recent speech in Cairo as a staged event for the Middle East.

When President Obama touches down in Accra, the capital, today the country will erupt in one party. Posters of the President and his wife, Michelle, hang from every lamppost and advertising hoarding, and street vendors are doing a brisk trade in wristbands, T-shirts, flags and posters.

“Everyone is very proud,” said Joseph Agyiri, an IT specialist. “The streets will be packed and our best drummers and dancing groups will be there. We will give him a welcome like nowhere else in the world has done.”

Kenya has been left to ponder what might have been. In the heady days of Mr Obama’s ascent to the White House, politicians — particularly those from the Luo tribe of his late father — had envisioned an African-style “special relationship”.

Kenya’s elite whispered of preferential trade and investment deals, increased business opportunities and an image-boosting first visit to their country by an incumbent US president. Instead, relations have deteriorated, with Kenya receiving regular dressing-downs for its failure to follow reforms recommended by an international inquiry into a flawed poll in 2007, which led to the deaths of about 1,500 people in post-election violence.

In May, Jakaya Kikwete, the President of Tanzania, Kenya’s neighbour and regional competitor, had the honour of becoming the first African head of state to be received in the Oval Office. Raila Odinga, the Kenyan Prime Minister, who once joked that if a Luo failed to make “State House, we will still get White House”, was received only by Administration officials. Yesterday Kofi Annan, the former UN SecretaryGeneral and the mediator of Kenya’s poll crisis, handed over a list of key suspects in the post-election violence to the International Criminal Court. It is known to include several top politicians and allies of the President and Prime Minister.

Last week President Obama spoke of his worries about recent developments in Kenya. “I’m concerned about how the political parties do not seem to be moving into a permanent reconciliation that would allow the country to move forward,” he said.

He will be the third consecutive US President to visit Ghana, which has just had a peaceful transfer of power after a close presidential election. In contrast, the Kenyan crisis has its roots in decades of high-level graft, mismanagement and exploitation of tribal tensions. President Obama has made it clear that historical ties count for little compared with his aim of encouraging political reform and rewarding good governance, democracy and accountability.

Not all Kenyans are put out by his decision. In Nairobi, Charles Analo, a 53-year-old chef, said: “Here, what the common people chose was not what we got. Everyone expected him to come to Kenya first. Now our politicians are feeling ashamed that he is not coming.”

Robbers kill Ethiopian national in South Africa

Friday, July 10th, 2009

A resident from Ethiopia was shot and killed by two men as they tried to hijack his car in Esigubudu in Nongoma on Wednesday, KwaZulu-Natal police said.

“The man was attacked by two men who tried to hijack him. When they failed to move his car, they shot him and he died on the scene,” said Captain Vusi Mbatha.

A second Ethiopian managed to escape. The Ethiopian men were selling clothes in the area when they were attacked, he said.

“No arrests have been made. Police are working hard to track down the criminals,” Mbatha said.

- SAPA

Amharic translation of Isaias Afwerki's Interview (Part 5)

Thursday, July 9th, 2009

Part 1 and 2 of President Isaias Afwerki’s interview with Ethiopian Review and eppfOnline.org

Part 1

Part II

Part III

Part IV

Part V

Rread Interview with Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki in Amharic. Click here (pdf)

Watch EriTv live here:

http://www.eastafro.com/Post/2009/04/24/eri-tv-live

Ghana fixation

Thursday, July 9th, 2009

By Yilma Bekele

I was listening to National Public Radio and they were reporting about President Obama’s coming visit to Ghana. Of course I turned the volume up. I did not want to miss anything. My Ghanaian cousins were delirious. The reporter was interviewing a hotel owner that has named his establishment Hotel Obama. He was describing the big portraits of Mr. and Mrs. Obama in the corridor near the special suite named for them. They even spared a wall for VP Bidden. Let us just say the Ghanaians are gloating.

May be they do have every right to gloat. It is not every day that a US president drops by Africa. And when the US President is a fellow African it makes the visit extra special. Just because they were able to hold three consecutive elections without bloodshed and turmoil do they think they are God’s gift to Africa? The fact that the visit by President Obama will give them the opportunity to showcase democracy working on the African continent is no reason to be filled with pride.

They claim this is not just a visit by Mr. Obama but an investment that will pay dividends for a long time to come. It is true that investors are going to look at Ghana in a different light. We know that the self-esteem of the Ghanaian people is entering a new phase.

I don’t mean to rain on their parade but excuse me how about us Ethiopians? Hello we are still around. Thank you very much for asking but we are not just sitting idle either. We have a few accomplishments to crow about.

First thing first, where is the President flying from to visit Ghana? That is right he was attending the G8 meeting in Italy (richest industrialized countries that include USA, UK, Japan, Germany, France, Italy and Canada) Officially invited were China, Brazil, India, Mexico and South Africa. It is a very important conference. Who do you think was claiming to represent Africa? That is right it was no other than the King sorry Prime Minter of Ethiopia. Don’t ask me what Ethiopia was doing there. We were invited by no other than our friend Senor Berlusconi ok? Let us just leave it at that.

This year G8 meeting was primarily concerning the global warming trend and reduction of green house gas emissions. I know for a fact the Ghanaians are not cooperating. From what I hear they are marching fast to industrialize their country. Their power consumption is one of the highest in Africa and they are in the process of developing their offshore oil deposits. Due to their ridiculous insistence on development and raising the standard of living of their people they were not invited to the meeting. That should serve them right.

On the other hand look at Ethiopia. A true citizen of this planet. A country that should be held in high regard by humanity. We are on the forefront of those that are concerned about the fate of planet earth. With no probing by anybody our country has decreased its carbon emission by more than eighty percent. We want the world to know that electricity is something you can do with out. We have voluntarily curtailed our generating capacity. Three days a week is more than adequate.

The few industries that were generating some pollution have been idle. The net reward is less commute for our people so they spend more time with their families huddled around kerosene lamps. We have also realized savings by abolishing the Ministry of Industry. As it was just a drain on our budget but the new policy of no electricity has made it obsolete.

Ethiopia has also been the pioneer in population control. We have elevated the science of food shortage crisis into a higher level. The current government is building on the important far-reaching work laid by the military regime. We are happy to say that food begging has been made into an art form. In accordance with our commitment to reduce world population Ethiopia has been sacrificing between ten to fifteen million citizens yearly. We are in the process of clearing more virgin forest to use it for subsistence level farming. We assure the world that the yield is so low that it will have no impact on our goal of creating further famine.

Our education policy is the envy of the continent. The whole planet is a net beneficiary. In the 1970 we dabbled in what is referred to as the ‘red’ and ‘white’ terror. The policy was able to eliminate most of the educated community. In the last twenty years we have perfected the system. Simply put we practice what is known as the ‘educate, train and exile’ principle. To attain that goal we have exported most of our university teachers and doctors. The government is in the process of abandoning the field of education to be filled by unscrupulous individuals and organizations with profit as the main motive. We believe an ignorant population will help us meet our self-imposed goal of one hundred percent green house gas reduction. We will also realize gains by less expenditure on munitions since an ignorant population is a docile population.

We have a lot to crow about. You don’t see us gloating about all this, may be except the folks at Aiga. You know how they are. It don’t take much to excite them. I mean they put up a computer generated freeway system on top of a picture of Addis and get super delirious. Reality challenged is their other name. It would have been a lot better if Mr. Obama would have come to Addis and experienced total darkness. No light. No TV. No Internet. No cold soda. No hot water. If he is so lucky he can also enjoy the double whammy of no electricity and no water. Give us two more months and we can foresee the possibility of triple a hit. With the country’s foreign reserve dwindling there will be no petrol for civilian use. Need I add no Automobile. In your face Ghana!

Thomas Staal sworn in as new USAID director for Ethiopia

Thursday, July 9th, 2009

WASHINGTON — The U.S. Agency for International Development announced today the swearing in of Thomas H. Staal as its new Mission Director for Ethiopia. Counselor to the Agency Lisa Chiles presided at the event and administered the oath to Staal.

As director for USAID’s mission in Ethiopia, Staal will oversee a program totaling $800 million annually to help Ethiopians strengthen their democratic institutions, promote economic growth and improve education and health services, including the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR). Ethiopia is one of the largest USAID missions worldwide.

Staal has spent most of his career working overseas in international development. He has worked for USAID since 1988, beginning in Sudan as an emergency program officer. In the early 1990s, he worked in USAID’s regional office in Kenya, managing food aid and doing project development throughout eastern and southern Africa. From 1996 to 2002, he worked in USAID’s West Bank and Gaza program, providing assistance to the Palestinians, focusing on water supply projects, as well as local community development. He worked in Iraq from 2003-2004, serving as USAID’s regional representative for Southern Iraq, overseeing all USAID projects in that part of the country. He also served a year as the deputy director of the Food For Peace Office in Washington, D.C., and spent a year studying at the National War College. Most recently, Staal was the director of the Iraq Reconstruction Office in Washington, D.C.

Before joining USAID, Staal worked for World Vision International as their representative in Sudan in the mid-1980s. He also worked for ARAMCO in Saudi Arabia in the late 1970′s and the early 1980′s in their government relations department.

Staal has a Master’s Degree in Comparative Politics (Middle East focus) from Columbia University, and a M.Sc. in National Strategic Security Studies from the National Defense University. Born to missionary parents, Staal grew up in Iraq and Kuwait and attended boarding school in India.

SOURCE U.S. Agency for International Development

Andargachew Tsige in Chicago talks about Eritrea trip – Audio

Wednesday, July 8th, 2009

Ginbot 7 Secretary General Ato Andargachew Tsige talks about his recent trip to Eritrea, among other things, at a recent public meeting in Chicago. Click below to listen.

 

AI warns Ethiopia the 'anti-terrorism' is law anti-civil rights

Wednesday, July 8th, 2009

(Amnesty International) — Reacting to the news that the Ethiopian [rubber-stamp] Parliament has today passed an Anti-Terror Proclamation in Ethiopia, Amnesty International warns that the law could restrict freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and the right to fair trial, with serious implications in the run up to Ethiopia’s 2010 parliamentary election.

Although the Ethiopian government tribal junta in Ethiopia faces legitimate security concerns, any anti-terror legislation must be in accordance with international human rights standards. [To most Ethiopians there is no worse terrorist than Woyanne.]

The Government of Ethiopia {www:Woyanne} has a history of stifling dissent and it is worrying that this law now risks further violating Ethiopia’s obligations under international human rights law,” said Erwin van der Borght, Amnesty International’s Africa programme director. “The Anti-Terror Proclamation is expected to provide Ethiopian authorities with unnecessarily far reaching powers which could lead to further arbitrary arrests”.

Based on earlier drafts of the law previously made available to Amnesty International, “acts of terrorism” are vaguely defined and could encompass the legitimate expression of political dissent.

The law defines “acts of terrorism” as including damage to property and disruption to any public service, for which an individual could be sentenced to 15 years in prison or even the death penalty. Thousands of protesters, political party leaders, journalists and human rights defenders were arrested and detained following the disputed November 2005 elections in which the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) Tigrean People Liberation Front (Woyanne) retained political power.

Ghana's democracy dividends

Wednesday, July 8th, 2009

Akwaaba, President Obama: But what will he say to Ghanaians?

By Edward Kutsoati

Last year, in the midst of the “Obama fever,” another event – by no means as historic as President Barack Obama’s election victory, but remarkable nonetheless – was shaping up in Ghana. In December 2008, Ghanaians went to the polls, for the fifth successive time since the country returned to constitutional rule in 1992, to elect a new president. The outcome: the closest election ever. About 9.5 million votes were cast in a runoff that saw John Atta-Mills beat out Nana Akuffo-Addo by only 41,000 votes. Yes, only 41,000 – less than one-half of a percent.

Even more striking is that the elections resulted in a peaceful transfer of power from the incumbent New Patriotic Party (NPP) to the National Democratic Congress (NDC), without a single loss of life. It is the second time in 8 years that such a transfer of power has occurred in Ghana; the first in January 2001 when the NDC lost to the NPP. And in case you were wondering, Ghana is in sub-Sahara Africa, where election results are expected to be disputed and often trigger violence.

For Ghana, this a testament of the progress made in a relatively short span of two decades, and a powerful signal to the world that a new and stable political climate is finally emerging. There are already some dividends: There is now a more open society which, with the help of an increased coverage of mobile phones, is becoming more engaged in social, political and economic issues; a freer press is helping to put a check on government excesses; and an increase in investor confidence is stimulating direct investments. And all that is expected to receive a further boost when President Obama pays a 2-day visit on July 10 – 11, 2009, his first to sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) since assuming the office of the President of the USA. Given Obama’s iconic status, his visit will be seen as an endorsement of the progress in Ghana.

From Ghana, President Obama is likely to implore other African nations, such as Ethiopia, Zimbabwe and Kenya, his ancestral country, to follow Ghana’s trail. That is fine, but this is not the time for gloating. Let’s make no mistake about this: Although encouraging, the economic condition in Ghana is pretty far from what’s needed to, first, achieve all of the MDGs, and provide a robust economic environment that will unleash individuals’ “entrepreneurial spirits.” The basic growth-promoting infrastructures (quality education, safe health care, clean portable water, affordable and reliable energy) remains beyond the reach of many Ghanaians; annual per capita GDP is at US$550 – not that much different from the average income at independence in 1957 – yet incomes are much more unequal today. To get an idea of how unequal incomes are becoming, consider this: Daily Graphic, on June 17, carried a story of squatters at Agblogbloshie, a slum just outside downtown Accra, digging themselves deep into filthy waters to collect, for re-sale, diesel oil leaking out of a nearby factory plant. That same week, Villaggio Vista, the luxury residential complex at the Tetteh Quarshie Circle, Accra, showcased their 3- and 4-bedroom condos: asking prices start from $525,000, with the high-end units priced in the mid-$800,000. Such inequities make it difficult to sustain economic development.

So what should Mr. Obama say to Ghanaians, Africans and their leaders? Whatever is Mr. Obama’s policy agenda for sub-Saharan Africa, or the purpose for this visit (there is talk of the “pot” of oil that Ghana recently struck), most observers will agree that it is in the interest of Africa and the world that “success stories,” such as Ghana’s, do not lose the momentum and the gains made so far. Each time progress is derailed in any part of the continent, the consequences have always been tragic. What Africa really needs now is a “develop and hold strategy”: Simply put, the progress in Ghana must be complete and sustainable. That means it must be underpinned by strong institutions that not only protect civil and property rights, but also hold the government to account. The deals made with multinational firms in its extractive industries (e.g., gold, timber, and now oil), must be fair, transparent, and have a chance to stimulate the economy. A positive message from Mr. Obama on these issues will energize civil society groups, think tanks and NGOs (such as the CJA, CDD and WACAM) who have been calling for reforms that promote better opportunities for all.

More power to the people!

With so many land-locked nations, rugged landscapes, weak institutions and some harmful cultural practices, there is no question that sub-Saharan Africa faces huge developmental challenges. In many places, these constraints were compounded by colonial policies that not only deprived the continent of some of its able young men and women, but also nurtured the worst extractive institutions, and drew artificial lines of boundaries that, if not caused, certainly reinforced mistrust among nations and neighbors. Mr. Obama will see, perhaps for the first time, some of the legacy of the slave trade when he visits the Cape Coast Slave castle. I have no doubt in my mind that he will categorically condemn the slave trade and colonialism.

But we need to move on. Ghana may have been pushed to ground, but we must find smart ways to get up. No amount of foreign aid can achieve as much as our own initiatives. These must start with reforms that empowers and inform citizens to make the right choices; and one of the most needed now is a constitutional amendment that gives individuals the right to choose their own District Chief Executives (DCEs), the equivalent of city mayors, and regional ministers. Back in 1992, the framers of our constitution thought that, for a relatively young democracy, it was necessary to have the president appoint all city mayors so as to promote a cohesive national development agenda. Furthermore, it was argued that direct elections will divide, rather than unite, communities since too many were uninformed to make the right decisions. Hogwash!

Ghanaians know that the real reason for this flawed decentralization set-up is so that the President can have 167 DCE- and 10 regional ministerial-posts as “jobs for the boys.” But this is a bane of our development. Direct elections of DCEs will not only promote competition of ideas, but also ensure that our local governments become more accountable to the people. More importantly, the elected DCE will refuse to take the fall for any policy failures of the central government, creating an automatic checks and balance within the governing hierarchy. Cognizant of the impact of their decisions on their communities, people will seek the information needed to make the right choices; without blaming anyone for their own their mistakes. When individuals are marginalized from the most important decision-making processes, they blame others for what goes wrong, and often resort to violence. This is, arguably, the most powerful case for direct elections of DCEs.

However, alone, it cannot be the panacea. Elsewhere, I have argued that by leveraging the expanding coverage of mobile phone networks, the central government can create an efficient accounting and auditing systems to promote transparent local and central governments.

Fair deals and equitable distribution of resource rents

At the start of Ghana’s economic reform programs, the path to growth was expected to be paved with the rents from the extractive industry (gold, timber, and now oil). Foreign direct investment responded to powerful incentives that were packed into the new Mining Act of 1986. But two decades later, the hope for mining to become a catalyst for economic growth has been more or less unfulfilled. Yes, there have been some gains, but they seem to be outweighed by large negative consequences. For example, inadequate protection of property rights has led to paltry sums of compensation to farmers who lose their cocoa lands to mining concessions. Consider this: it is estimated that a cocoa tree yields about half-bag of beans each year, a GHc50 (Ghana cedis) value, and a tree can last for about 40 – 50 years. Yet, average compensation is about GHc10 per tree.

And this is just the beginning. Mining firms continue to pay one of the lowest royalty rates in the world: 3% of profits; with very little going to the mining communities who have to deal with huge negative externalities of mining activities – frequent cyanide spillage into water bodies; lost of farmlands with little, or no, alternatives, etc. Interestingly, a decent portion of the royalty is given to local chiefs and their traditional councils “to maintain the dignity of their stools.” Huh? It is time to get serious and build the capacity to negotiate for fair deals. In an increasingly competitive global economy, Ghana’s only edge may lie in its natural resources, and we better make the best out of it.

God’s messengers

Finally, if President Mr. Obama feels emboldened enough to be politically incorrect, he could take a swipe at the growing number “men and women of God” promising better economic outcomes to innocent Ghanaians. Collectively, these “crooks masquerading as prophets,” have succeeded in instilling so much fear into Ghanaians such that they have nowhere to turn to except give their next dollar to a pastor. Along the way, pastors continue to sow and nourish seeds of mistrust among family members and neighbors. You lost a job? Blame that witch of an aunt. Recently got denied a visa by the US Embassy? The neighbor’s ‘voodoo’ was responsibly for that too.

With so much fear and little trust among neighbors, how can the nation build the social capital to enhance economic relations and growth? 75 years ago, Franklin Roosevelt recognized the devastating effect of fear at the height of the depression when he told Americans that “the only thing they had to fear was fear itself.” Religion can be a powerful tool for good. Unfortunately, it has become a weapon of mental enslavement of millions of Ghanaians, and it is time Ghanaians themselves of these chains, completely.

Ghana is great nation with lovely people, rich culture and so much potential. It needs good and honest leaders. In his inaugural speech, President Obama admonished Americans “to set aside childish things …. .; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.” No group of people needs this poignant message more than the political, traditional and spiritual leaders of Ghana and the continent of Africa.

(Edward Kutsoati is Associate Professor of Economics at Tufts University and a regular columnist for www.AfricanLiberty.org. He can be reached at edward.kutsoati@tufts.edu)

Ethiopia rubber-stamp parliament adopts 'anti-terrorism' bill

Tuesday, July 7th, 2009

ADDIS ABABA (AFP) — Ethiopia’s [rubber-stamp] parliament on Tuesday adopted a new anti-terrorism bill despite criticism by rights groups that the legislation violates civil liberties.

The law, proposed last year after a string of bomb attacks in the capital, comprises 38 sections and paves the way for arrests and searches without court warrants.

The legislation championed by Prime Minister tribal dictator Meles Zenawi [who is accused by international human rights groups of committing war crimes] was voted for by 286 lawmakers in Ethiopia’s 547-seat parliament, 91 against and one abstention, an AFP correspondent reported.

“Whosoever writes, edits, prints, publishes, publicizes, disseminates, shows, makes to be heard any promotional statements encouraging… terrorist acts is punishable with rigorous imprisonment from 10 to 20 years,” it says.

Several opposition members, while insisting they were committed to the fight against terrorism, also criticized the law for being prone to abuse by security forces.

“The law itself terrorizes citizens. We are strictly against it,” former president and now opposition MP, Negaso Gidada, told AFP.

Last week, the US-based Human Rights Watch said the law broadly defined terrorism, risked muzzling political speech and encouraging unfair trials.

The law is also meant to counter the activities of some separatist groups, who have been blamed by Addis Ababa for carrying out “terror attacks” throughout the Horn of Africa nation.

In recent months, Ethiopia’s parliament has passed a series of laws tightening up on the activities of non-governmental organizations, associations and the local media, while most political opponents are in prison or living in exile.

Elections are due in June 2010, five years after disputed polls led to the death of nearly 200 people.

Lufthansa plane en route to Ethiopia catches fire

Monday, July 6th, 2009

Sana’a, Yemen (NewsYemen) — Yemeni families gathered at the Sana’a Airport Friday night over news that a Lufthansa plane caught fire due to emergency landing at Frankfurt International Airport few minutes after taking off from the same airport.

The incident resulted in the flight delay from 09:00 pm on Friday until 01:00 am on Saturday (local time), said sources at the Sana’a Airport.

A Lufthansa plane, A330, which was en route to Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa, had to abruptly land again due to a technical fault, some passengers who arrived on board another plane told NewsYemen.

The front tries of the plane exploded and the plane started sliding on the ground and then a small fire caught the plane, but firemen could put it out, said a passenger.

Frequent Airbus incidents raise more questions on the level of safety of the Airbus planes as four similar emergency landing incidents occurred last month in Russia and Australia and one Air France crashed on June 1 with 228 on board and finally the Yemenia airliner A310 crash on June 30.

Botswana faults African Union decision over Bashir

Monday, July 6th, 2009

By Wene Owino

GABORONE (Nation) — Botswana has said that it does not agree with the African Union (AU) decision to denounce the International Criminal Court (ICC) and to refuse to extradite Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir to stand trial for genocide.

The ICC has issued an arrest warrant for Al-Bashir over genocide in the strife-torn Sudanese region of Darfur but the AU has snubbed the court on the matter.

“The government of Botswana does not agree with this (AU) decision and wishes to reaffirm its position that as a State Party to the Rome Statute on the International Criminal Court (ICC) it has treaty obligations to fully cooperate with the ICC in the arrest and transfer of the President of Sudan to the ICC,” a statement from the Botswana Foreign Affairs Ministry said on Sunday.

The statement said the ICC was established specifically to help end impunity for the perpetrators of the most serious crimes of concern to the international community by prosecuting those suspected of committing genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes.

“The people of Africa and Sudan in particular have been victims of these crimes. Botswana strongly holds the view that the people of Africa, including the people of Sudan, deserve to be protected from the perpetrators of such crimes. This is why a majority of African countries, numbering thirty (30) are State Parties to the Rome Statute,” the statement added.

Even before the AU made its decision, Botswana President Ian Khama has previously indicated that when he gets the opportunity, he would arrest Al-Bashir and hand him over to the ICC. Khama said he will arrest Al-Bashir during a visit by Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete early this year.

Botswana vice-president, Lt-Gen. Mompati Merafhe and Foreign Minister Mr. Phandu Skelemani are expected to hold a press in Gaborone today (Monday 6, July 2009) on the AU decision to rebuff the ICC. Lt-Gen Merafhe and Mr Skelemani attended the AU summit in Sirte Libya.

The Disquieting Silence of Our Sisters

Monday, July 6th, 2009

Alemayehu G. Mariam

Profiles in Courage 2009: Power to the Women of Iran!

Even President Obama could not contain his admiration for Iranian women who marched shoulder to shoulder alongside Iranian men armed with rocks to protest the recent fraud-riddled elections. After seeing Iranian women deflect militiamen batons and dodge tear gas canisters, the President observed: “We have seen courageous women stand up to brutality and threats, and we have experienced the searing image of a woman bleeding to death on the streets.” Many others who observed the extraordinary courage of Iranian women in the protests openly wondered if the world was witnessing “the first female led revolution in modern history.” Shirin Ebadi, Iran’s first woman and only Nobel laureate, explained that Iranian women were so intensely engaged in the protests “because [they] are the most dissatisfied people in society, that is why their presence is more prominent.” Undaunted, Iran’s theocratic regime viciously clamped down on the defiant women protesters by jailing hundreds of them.

But could the ayatollahs permanently silence Iranian women?

Flashback 2005

Watching the grainy cell phone videos of the Iranian protests online, I had a flashback of the bloody massacres following the 2005 Ethiopian elections. Troops loyal to the current dictatorship shot and killed, by official Inquiry Commission account, 193 men, women and children in the streets, and wounded 763. Over 30,000 were documented to have been imprisoned because of election-related issues. (The real figures of the dead and wounded by non-official accounts exceeded sixfold the documented numbers.) Like young Neda Agha-Soltan whose murder by an Iranian militiaman was captured on a cellphone video, ShiBre Desalegn, a young woman barely in her twenties, was executed in broad daylight by a member of the dictators’ death squad to the horror of her friends. Like Nobel laureate Shirin Ebadi, a lawyer and a judge who was imprisoned for her human rights work, Birtukan Midekssa was literally scooped off the street by armed thugs to serve out a life sentence.

But did the dictators succeed in silencing Ethiopian women by locking up Birtukan in solitary confinement?

The Silence of Our Sister Birtukan

Birtukan Mideksa has been caged in solitary confinement at Kality prison for over six months now. The dictators have imprisoned her body, but not her voice. She is officially prohibited from having any human contact, except her aging mother and four year old daughter. It is part of the dictators’ crude method of torture by extreme isolation and oppressive silence. Though Birtukan’s captors think (and wish) that they have forever silenced her, they have not. Birtukan speaks louder today than she has ever spoken. Her illegal imprisonment speaks thunderously of the absence of the rule of law in Ethiopia and the arbitrary rule of a hardened human rights outlaw. Her solitary confinement speaks loudly of the forgotten hundreds of thousands of innocent people rotting in the dictators’ prisons and secret jails. Her courage to stand up to the most cunning, calculating, vicious and ruthless dictators in modern times speaks volumes of one woman’s steely determination to bring democracy to a land sweltering under corruption and abuse of power. Her rise from a modest background to national leadership speaks of the dawn of a new day in Ethiopia where women can stand up against dictatorship on their own in defense of democracy, freedom and human rights. Birtukan’s commitment to Ethiopian unity and the oneness of its people speaks of her unwaivering patriotism and love of all her people. Her calm temperament and thoughtful words speak of a leader who is centered and has peace of mind. Her tenacity never to stand down in a male-dominated society speaks of the infinite potential of Ethiopian women to change and lead Ethiopia into a new day. Her testimony (Q’ale) before her street abduction by official thugs transcends mere speech. It is the sublime poetry of innocence and truth.

Our sister Birtukan is not silent, even while she is caged in solitary confinement. The question is whether we have been rendered deaf-mute to her voice and message by our indifference, apathy and timidity.

The Deafening Silence of Birtukan’s Sisters

I must, with the greatest reluctance, point a finger at many our sisters who are living in the West for maintaining what appears to be a vow of silence concerning Birtukan’s imprisonment in solitary confinement. I don’t mean this as an accusation because I do not doubt for a second that the overwhelming majority of women in Ethiopia and outside sympathize deeply with Birtukan’s plight. I believe they feel and share her pain more deeply because, unlike most men, they have a keen understanding and appreciation of her sacrifices. They understand the agony and heartbreak of a single mother languishing in prison for her beliefs while leaving her four year-old daughter with an aging mother to raise. They understand how a woman who has achieved great professional distinction could be driven to sacrifice everything so that her four year old daughter could have a better future in Ethiopia. I believe Ethiopian women have a deeper understanding of the frustrations of living in a male-dominated society that affords little opportunity for leadership to women, a subject that has been critically examined by various scholars.[1]

There are also many things that I find difficult to understand: Why is it that in the last one hundred years Ethiopia has not had a female leader of national significance? What is it about the Ethiopian political culture that discourages and holds back women from active and equal participation in politics? “Why is it that educated Ethiopian women cannot break the chains of ancient subordination and exclusion?” Frankly, I am puzzled by the disquieting silence of Ethiopian women. I keep asking the same questions over and over. Whey aren’t Ethiopian women championing the virtuous cause of Ethiopia’s foremost political prisoner? Why aren’t the young women mobilizing to free one of their own from the dungeons of Kality prison? Why is it that Ethiopian women seem unable to forge alliances with women throughout the world to work in the cause of Birtukan and political prisoners?

The Untapped Power of Ethiopian Women

Birtukan’s debut following the 2005 elections is historic in its magnitude. Following two years of imprisonment, Birtukan emerged as the symbol of the new Ethiopian woman who is willing, able and ready to stand shoulder to shoulder with Ethiopian men and suffer the withering blows of dictatorship (including a life sentence) to defend democracy and the rule of law. By doing so, Birtukan transcended the politics of her time and brought forth the audacity of the new Ethiopian woman. She is really about the future of Ethiopian society where women in large numbers will work in full equality with men to build a new society based on the rule of law and free of ethnic hatred. The greatest threat the dictators see in Birtukan is not that she can lead a political party to victory. They know that will never happen because she can never win their rigged elections. What they fear and dread them most is that Birtukan’s success as a national leader, even symbolically, means the end of the dictator’s ethnic politics, ethnic division and ethnic federalism. Birtukan symbolizes the oneness of the Ethiopian people, their unity and collective destiny of greatness. She has the capacity, tenacity and proven ability to rise above ethnicity and bring all of the people in the bond of common unity.

As I saw cell phone video footage of Iranian women clashing with police, being tear gassed and beaten, and witnessed the horrific murder of Neda, I could visualize the untapped power of Ethiopian women not only to help free Birtukan and all political prisoners in Ethiopia, but also to become unstoppable agents of social change. I was inspired by the fact that leading Iranian women launched A Campaign for One Million Signatures to change the discriminatory legal codes of Iran. I was energized by the fact that the theocratic rulers of Iran were unable to silence Iranian women by beating and jailing them, shutting down newspapers and websites that publicized their activism, protests and small acts of rebellion. The Iranian women could not be silenced. I felt that if Iranian women by the hundreds of thousands could stand up for their rights and openly demand reform, Ethiopian women could, at a minimum, organize and demand the release of Birtukan and all other political prisoners in Ethiopia.

This is the Time!

This is the time for all good Ethiopian women (and men) to come to the aid of Birtukan and all political prisoners in Ethiopia. This is the time to speak up on behalf of Birtukan and against her ruthless captors. This is the time to launch a Million Signature Campaign throughout the world to free Birtukan and all political prisoners in Ethiopia, and to deploy the worldwide power of women to the cause of freedom, democracy, human rights: Women legislators, governors, judges, lawyers and law students, college and high school students, human rights advocates, corporate and civic society leaders, teachers and university professors, religious leaders, journalists, physicians, scientists, engineers, service workers and others.

This is the time for Ethiopian women to lead and for the men to follow. This is the time to say, “Behind every great Ethiopian woman is a good man.” It took one woman, Birtukan, to strike fear in the hearts of the ruthless dictators who sought to silence her by solitary confinement. One can only imagine what millions of Ethiopian women could do to shatter the corrupt and barbarous dictatorship. Dr. Martin Luther King said, “In the end, we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends.” What say YOU, my sisters?

[1] http://jds.sagepub.com/cgi/reprint/24/2/125.pdf
_______________
The writer, Alemayehu G. Mariam, is a professor of political science at California State University, San Bernardino, and an attorney based in Los Angeles. For comments, he can be reached at almariam@gmail.com

No final word for Ethiopia's pop star Teddy Afro

Monday, July 6th, 2009

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia (Addis Journal) — The popular Ethiopian singer Teddy Afro has appeared before Court of Cassation this morning to hear a decision on an appeal filed by the prosecutor protesting the reduction of his prison terms from six to two years.

But Teddy left the courtroom without hearing a final word and his case was adjourned for July 16, 2009. The presiding judge said the document was presented to them only today and they need extra days to examine.

The singer who was convicted on charges of hit and run incident began serving a six-year prison term on December 5, 2008, but the term was later cut to two years.

Prosecutors filed an appeal saying the review resulting in the sentence imposed by the judge was inappropriate and the two-year term was too lenient for the offense.

If the two year term decision is upended, Teddy is expected to leave the Kaliti jail on September 2009.

Israeli prison is filled with Ethiopians – Cynthia McKinney

Sunday, July 5th, 2009

Cynthia McKinney Letter from an Israeli Jail

This is Cynthia McKinney and I’m speaking from an Israeli prison cellblock in Ramle. [I am one of] the Free Gaza 21, human rights activists currently imprisoned for trying to take medical supplies to Gaza, building supplies – and even crayons for children; I had a suitcase full of crayons for children.

While we were on our way to Gaza the Israelis threatened to fire on our boat, but we did not turn around. The Israelis highjacked and arrested us because we wanted to give crayons to the children in Gaza. We have been detained, and we want the people of the world to see how we have been treated just because we wanted to deliver humanitarian assistance to the people of Gaza.

At the outbreak of Israel’s Operation Cast Lead [in December 2008], I boarded a Free Gaza boat with one day’s notice and tried, as the US representative in a multi-national delegation, to deliver three tons of medical supplies to an already besieged and ravaged Gaza.

During Operation Cast Lead, US-supplied F-16s rained hellfire on a trapped people. Ethnic cleansing became full-scale, outright genocide. US-supplied white phosphorus, depleted uranium, robotic technology, DIME weapons, and cluster bombs – new weapons creating injuries never treated before by Jordanian and Norwegian doctors. I was later told by doctors who were there in Gaza during Israel’s onslaught that Gaza had become Israel’s veritable weapons testing laboratory, people used to test and improve the kill ratio of their weapons.

The world saw Israel’s despicable violence thanks to Al-Jazeera Arabic and Press TV that broadcast in English. I saw those broadcasts live and around the clock, not from the USA but from Lebanon, where my first attempt to get into Gaza had ended because the Israeli military rammed the boat I was on in international water… It’s a miracle that I’m even here to write about my second encounter with the Israeli military, again a humanitarian mission aborted by the Israeli military.

The Israeli authorities have tried to get us to confess that we committed a crime… I am now known as Israeli prisoner number 88794. How can I be in prison for collecting crayons to kids?

Zionism has surely run out of its last legitimacy if this is what it does to people who believe so deeply in human rights for all that they put their own lives on the line for someone else’s children. Israel is the fullest expression of Zionism, but if Israel fears for its security because Gaza’s children have crayons then not only has Israel lost its last shred of legitimacy, but Israel must be declared a failed state.

I am facing deportation from the state that brought me here at gunpoint after commandeering our boat. I was brought to Israel against my will. I am being held in this prison because I had a dream that Gaza’s children could color and paint, that Gaza’s wounded could be healed, and that Gaza’s bombed-out houses could be rebuilt.

But I’ve learned an interesting thing by being inside this prison. First of all, it’s incredibly black: populated mostly by Ethiopians who also had a dream… like my cellmates, one who is pregnant. They are all are in their twenties. They thought they were coming to the Holy Land. They had a dream that their lives would be better… The once proud, never-colonized Ethiopia [has been thrown into] the back pocket of the United States, and become a place of torture, rendition, and occupation. Ethiopians must free their country because superpower politics [have] become more important than human rights and self-determination.

My cellmates came to the Holy Land so they could be free from the exigencies of superpower politics. They committed no crime except to have a dream. They came to Israel because they thought that Israel held promise for them. Their journey to Israel through Sudan and Egypt was arduous. I can only imagine what it must have been like for them. And it wasn’t cheap. Many of them represent their family’s best collective efforts for self-fulfilment. They made their way to the United Nations High Commission for Refugees. They got their yellow paper of identification. They got their certificate for police protection. They are refugees from tragedy, and they made it to Israel, only after they arrived Israel told them, “There is no UN in Israel.”

The police here have license to pick them up and suck them into the black hole of a farce for a justice system. These beautiful, industrious and proud women represent the hopes of entire families. The idea of Israel tricked them and the rest of us. In a widely propagandized slick marketing campaign, Israel represented itself as a place of refuge and safety for the world’s first Jews and Christians. I too believed that marketing and failed to look deeper.

The truth is that Israel lied to the world. Israel lied to the families of these young women. Israel lied to the women themselves who are now trapped in Ramle’s detention facility. And what are we to do? One of my cellmates cried today. She has been here for six months. As an American, crying with them is not enough. The policy of the United States must be better, and while we watch President Obama give 12.8 trillion dollars to the financial elite of the United States it ought now be clear that hope, change, and “yes we can” were powerfully presented images of dignity and self-fulfilment, individually and nationally, that besieged people everywhere truly believed in.

It was a slick marketing campaign as slickly put to the world and to the voters of America as was Israel’s marketing to the world. It tricked all of us but, more tragically, these young women.

We must cast an informed vote about better candidates seeking to represent us. I have read and re-read Dr Martin Luther King, Jr’s letter from a Birmingham jail. Never in my wildest dreams would I have ever imagined that I too would one day have to [write one]. It is clear that taxpayers in Europe and the US have a lot to atone for, for what they’ve done to others around the world.

What an irony! My son begins his law school program without me because I am in prison, in my own way trying to do my best, again, for other people’s children. Forgive me, my son. I guess I’m experiencing the harsh reality which is why people need dreams. [But] I’m lucky. I will leave this place. Has Israel become the place where dreams die?

Ask the people of Palestine. Ask the stream of black and Asian men whom I see being processed at Ramle. Ask the women on my cellblock. [Ask yourself:] What are you willing to do?

Let’s change the world together and reclaim what we all need as human beings: Dignity. I appeal to the United Nations to get these women of Ramle, who have done nothing wrong other than to believe in Israel as the guardian of the Holy Land, resettled in safe homes. I appeal to the United State’s Department of State to include the plight of detained UNHCR-certified refugees in the Israel country report in its annual human rights report. I appeal once again to President Obama to go to Gaza: send your special envoy, George Mitchell there, and to engage Hamas as the elected choice of the Palestinian people.

I dedicate this message to those who struggle to achieve a free Palestine, and to the women I’ve met at Ramle.

This is Cynthia McKinney, July 2nd 2009, also known as Ramle prisoner number 88794.

(Cynthia McKinney is a former Democratic US congresswoman, Green Party presidential candidate, and an outspoken advocate for human rights and social justice. The first African-American woman to represent the state of Georgia, McKinney served six terms in the US House of Representatives, from 1993-2003, and from 2005-2007. McKinney’s remarks are transcribed here from a telephone call received by WBAIX.org.)

Head of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church in Dessie arrested

Sunday, July 5th, 2009

Addis Ababa (Addis Journal) – Head of the Dessie Ethiopian Orthodox Church Diocese, Aba GebreSelassie, was arrested on charges of ‘inciting violence’ that caused the death of three people in the town last week, according to Addis Neger.

Police in Dessie town have shot and killed two young people who were among the crowd demonstrating to demand authorization to rebuild St. Arsema church, five kms away from the town. Another elderly woman reportedly fell off from a cliff.

Around ten thousand Orthodox Christian followers have been walking to the mayor’s office when the police started firing.Several other people were hurt in the violence.

Michael Jackson memorial gets 1.6 million ticket requests

Sunday, July 5th, 2009

Los Angeles (AP) — The more than 1.6 million fans who registered for tickets to Michael Jackson’s memorial service will wait until Monday to learn if they received one of the 11,000 tickets for Tuesday’s ceremony.

The two-day registration period for the service at Staples Center in downtown Los Angeles ended Saturday. Another 6,500 tickets will be given away for the Nokia Theater overflow section next door.

Fans had to register for free at between 10 a.m. Friday and 6 p.m. Saturday for the random drawing of 8,750 names.

Each person selected will receive two tickets and will be notified by e-mail after 11 a.m. Sunday.

Before the drawing, officials at AEG, the owner and operator of the Staples Center, will “scrub” the entries to eliminate duplicates and any suspected of being made by automated systems or “go-bots,” said Jackson family spokesman Ken Sunshine in a statement.

Winners will receive a unique code and instructions on how to pick up their tickets at an off-site distribution center on Monday.

At the distribution center, they will receive the ticket and a wristband that will be placed on their wrists at that time.

Fans must have both the ticket and the wristband to enter Staples Center on Tuesday.

Wristbands that have been ripped, taped or tampered with will be voided.

Sunshine said those steps are being taken to prevent ticket-scalping.

City officials are preparing for massive crowds. Assistant Police Chief Earl Paysinger says anywhere from a quarter-million to 700,000 people may try to reach the arena, even though a wide area around Staples Center will be sealed off to those without tickets.

City Councilwoman Jan Perry strongly urged people to stay home and watch the memorial on TV.

The ceremony will not be shown on Staples’ giant outdoor TV screen and there will be no funeral procession through the city.

No details were given about the actual memorial events, which come as the nation’s second-largest city struggles with a $530 million budget deficit. Perry said the cost of police protection for “extraordinary” events like the memorial is built into the Police Department’s budget, but she still solicited help for “incremental costs.”

Last month, donations covered about $850,000 of the city’s $1 million cost for the Los Angeles Lakers’ NBA championship parade.

Critics had blasted the idea of using city money when it is considering layoffs to close its budget gap.

Ethiopia's tribal junta slams Human Rights Watch's report

Sunday, July 5th, 2009

Addis Ababa (AFP) – Ethiopia’s tribal junta has criticized the Human Rights Watch (HRW) over its report that the country’s draft anti-terrorism law would violate human rights.

“HRW’s so-called analysis is replete with harsh generalisations,” Ethiopia’s foreign ministry said in a statement Friday.

“It cannot be considered a credible commentary on compatibility of the draft law with Ethiopia’s human rights obligations.”

The US-based watchdog on Tuesday said the law, currently before parliament, broadly defined terrorism, risked muzzling political speech and encouraging unfair trials.

The law presented by the government of [warlord] Meles Zenawi is to counter the activities of some separatist groups.

In recent months, Ethiopia’s [rubber stamp] parliament has passed a series of laws tightening up on the activities of non-governmental organizations, associations and the local media, while most political opponents are in prison or living in exile.

African Union move on Sudan's al-Bashir dismissed

Sunday, July 5th, 2009

The African Union’s (AU) decision not to help arrest Sudan’s president will not affect the International Criminal Court’s work, its prosecutor says.

Luis Moreno Ocampo told the BBC Omar al-Bashir was still a wanted man and that it was up to each African state to decide whether to arrest him.

Mr Bashir was indicted over alleged atrocities in Darfur in March.

But on Friday an AU meeting in Libya agreed a resolution saying they would not co-operate in his arrest.

In a statement, the AU pointed out that its request to the UN Security Council to delay Mr Bashir’s indictment had been ignored.

Mr Ocampo told the BBC that the AU decision was no victory for Sudan or Mr Bashir. “No-one is saying he’s innocent,” he said.

He said each of the 30 African states that signed up to the Rome treaty establishing the court would have to decide for themselves whether to arrest the Sudanese leader.

And he added that only the Security Council could suspend or lift the indictment against Mr Bashir, not the ICC.

The court has indicted the Sudanese president on two counts of war crimes – intentionally directing attacks on civilians and pillage – as well as five counts of crimes against humanity, including murder, rape and torture, all related to the conflict in the Darfur region.

He denies the allegations, saying the state has a responsibility to fight rebels.

Botswana has confirmed it will not abide by the AU’s decision to ignore the arrest warrant.

Foreign Minister Phandu Skelemani told the BBC the AU decision had been rushed through without a vote, and countries could not be expected to renege on treaties “because of a sulk”.

- BBC

U.S. encourages Ethiopia to stay out of Somalia

Sunday, July 5th, 2009

NAIROBI, July 4 (Reuters) – The United States will encourage [the Woyanne tribal junta in] Ethiopia not to return to Somalia as it would be against the interests of both Horn of African nations, Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Johnnie Carson said on Saturday.

Ethiopia Woyanne invaded Somalia in late 2006 to topple an Islamist movement in the capital Mogadishu. The intervention sparked an Islamist insurgency which is still raging despite the fact Ethiopian troops pulled out in January.

“The Ethiopian government continues to look very closely at developments in Somalia,” Carson told Reuters in Kenya ahead of a visit to Ethiopia on Monday.

“Given the long-standing enmity between Somalis and Ethiopians Woyannes I will encourage the Ethiopians not to re-engage in Somalia. It is not in their interest to do so and their efforts might in fact prove counterproductive to the government,” he said in an interview.

Neighbours and Western governments fear that if the Somali administration is overthrown, the lawless nation will become a safe haven for al Qaeda to train militants to destabilise the region and attack developed nations.

Residents in several regions of Somalia have reported seeing Ethiopian Woyanne soldiers in the past two months. Addis Ababa initially denied this but later acknowledged it had made “reconnaissance” missions. It still insists no combat troops are in Somalia.

“Ethiopia has a right to defend its borders, should do so vigorously if individuals cross into their territory, and their efforts should be directed at defense of their territory and not necessarily involvement inside of Somalia,” Carson said.

NO DECISION ON TOUGHER MANDATE

Carson held talks with senior officials from all Horn of Africa countries, including the Eritrean foreign minister, during an African Union summit in Libya this week.

Washington has accused Eritrea of supporting the hardline al Shabaab insurgents who are fighting to oust Somali President Sheikh Sharif Ahmed. It says Eritrea has aided the movement of weapons and foreign fighters into Somalia.

Carson said Eritrea strongly denied the accusations.

The rebels, who have links to al Qaeda and want to impose their own harsh version of sharia law throughout the country, control much of southern Somalia and parts of the capital Mogadishu close to the president’s palace.

A 4,300-strong African Union peacekeeping force (AMISOM) from Uganda and Burundi is protecting key sites in Mogadishu but appeals for more troops and a stronger mandate allowing them to go on the offensive have yet to bear fruit.

Carson said a battalion of soldiers from Burundi, about 800 troops, was ready to deploy as soon as an airlift is provided and that Djibouti had pledged to help with military force.

“They are a small country with a small military but they have indicated that they believe the situation is serious enough to warrant their support,” Carson told Reuters.

“They believe that it is important to support Sheikh Sharif and to prevent his government from falling and they are prepared to provide more support than they have in the past, including manpower,” he said.

Carson said Washington had yet to decide whether the AMISOM mandate should be beefed up. There had been hopes African leaders would agree to this in Libya but wording to that effect in a draft resolution was dropped.

“We will study it closely in Washington and make a determination as to whether it is in our interests to encourage an expanded mandate as this goes forward,” he said.

Washington helps fund the AMISOM force and has sent weapons to the Somali government to support its fight against the rebels. Carson told reporters it would send more.

“The United States will continue to look for ways to provide support,” he said. “This will include military support in terms of arms and munitions and material resources, but not manpower.”

Ambassador Johnnie Carson speaks on U.S.-Eritrea relation

Saturday, July 4th, 2009

PRESS CONFERENCE: Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs and former US Ambassador to Kenya Johnnie Carson

Mr Carson: We have actively sought to engage the Eritreans to encourage them not to support al-Shabaab, not to send money or ammunition to al-Shabaab, not to allow their country to be a conduit for resources to al-Shabaab. We have encouraged them not to allow foreign fighters to pass through their country. All of these things are on the diplomatic side. We have provided arms and munitions to allow the TFG to push back al-Shabaab in order to gain the stability which is absolutely essential for that country to be able to begin to deliver services to people. I would love nothing better than to be able to say to you that the situation on the ground in southern Somalia is such that we have been able to put money into schools, into educational material, into the re-establishment of clinics and hospitals and to the training of nurses and to the re-establishment of electricity and water services. This is what the goal is. Our goal is to find a way to stabilize the situation and then encourage the TFG to begin that process of state building and delivery of services to its population.

Q: Corruption is an issue closely tied to the effectiveness of development assistance. What can the United States do to help eradicate corruption and promote transparency?

A: Corruption undermines the ability of governments to deliver services, and it siphons off resources into private pockets. We have to make it a topic of conversation with government officials. We have to work with civil society to give them the courage to speak out about it. We have to work with the local media so that they will expose it. We have to work with prosecutors so that they have the courage to prosecute and with judges to have the conviction to convict.

And if we see mega-corruption going on and individuals who are profiting from it, and we have evidence that they are not being prosecuted, we should look at new methods to identify and to stigmatise and to punish, to the extent that we can, those individuals who are engaged in corruption.

Q: Where do you see governments tackling corruption in a serious way?

I think that there are some countries that are exemplars and will remain exemplars. The government of Botswana does an excellent job. Mauritius does an excellent job. The Tanzania government does an excellent job. I recall that within the last year, a senior government official in Tanzania was removed from office because of serious allegations of corruption.

Q: Let’s talk about Somalia. Why has the administration decided to engage in a new way with the Transitional Federal Government, including the supply of arms and ammunition?

A: The instability that has prevailed in Somalia for the last 20 years has become a cancer. We now have a war-torn society where probably 60 to 70 per cent of the people are dependent upon food aid from the outside. We see the population of Mogadishu having declined by some two-thirds as a result of the fighting in and around the city, and we see unemployment among youth at astronomical levels. Southern Somalia is a humanitarian problem of enormous proportions.

But it’s not just Somalia itself. The cancer has started to metastasise, spreading across the border into Kenya. Today the Dadaab refugee camp in northern Kenya has some 270,000 refugees. That camp, which was established about a decade and a half ago, was built to handle 90,000.

It is estimated by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees that some six to seven thousand Somalis are crossing the border into northeast Kenya every day. Eastleigh, a suburb in the northern part of Nairobi, [has become] the largest Somali city. There is enormous pressure on the Kenyan government to handle the refugees and provide the infrastructure needed to cater to them.

Moreover, the problem of Somalia has contributed to the tensions between Ethiopia and Eritrea. It is clear that the Eritrean government is supporting the al-Shabaab militia. It is not because they are in support of Islamist or extremist [elements]. They are doing this largely as a way to undermine and to pressure the Ethiopian government.

Q: How effective are arms going to be in addressing that issue? Why military as opposed to development aid?

A: We have tried to make it very, very clear that diplomacy is primary and that support for stability inside of Somalia is what we are doing. We support the ‘Djibouti process’, which helped to create the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) and we support the TFG, the government of Sheikh Sharif. The Djibouti process has been endorsed by Kenya, and by the AU.

We have actively sought to engage the Eritreans to encourage them not to support al-Shabaab, not to send money or ammunition to al-Shabaab, not to allow their country to be a conduit for resources to al-Shabaab. We have encouraged them not to allow foreign fighters to pass through their country. All of these things are on the diplomatic side.

We have provided arms and munitions to allow the TFG to push back al-Shabaab in order to gain the stability which is absolutely essential for that country to be able to begin to deliver services to people. I would love nothing better than to be able to say to you that the situation on the ground in southern Somalia is such that we have been able to put money into schools, into educational material, into the re-establishment of clinics and hospitals and to the training of nurses and to the re-establishment of electricity and water services. This is what the goal is. Our goal is to find a way to stabilise the situation and then encourage the TFG to begin that process of state building and delivery of services to its population.

Q: You have said that you are willing to engage Eritrea in a dialogue. Is that happening?

A: Absolutely. After I took over as the assistant secretary, the Eritrean ambassador came to my office and indicated to me that it was the first time he had been into the office of the Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs since he had come to Washington.

I told him that the United States clearly wanted to see if we could return to a more normal relationship and that I was prepared to go out to speak with [Eritrean] President Isaias to begin such a dialogue. But I also made it very clear that, in order to move forward, there would have to be some understanding and some cooperation on key issues that affect the Horn of Africa today.

Q: On Sudan, following the multi-party talks in Washington, convened by President Obama’s special envoy for Sudan, Scott Gration, how has the administration decided to engage with the government headed by President Omar al-Bashir, who faces an arrest warrant from the International Criminal Court (ICC) – but also is key to resolving the crisis in Darfur and the north-south conflict?

A: I look at it as engaging with the government broadly to achieve important objectives that we share with many in Sudan, both north and south, and with many across Africa and the international community. We think that it is absolutely critical that the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), signed in January 2005, be fully implemented, and that the people of southern Sudan have a right, in 2011, to hold a referendum which will determine their future.

We think it is also important that the issues of the boundary between the north and south be resolved. One of the more positive things to come out of this very successful conference is a commitment on both sides to accept the arbitration ruling on the border of Abyei.

Gen. Gration has been trying to stop the humanitarian nightmare that has existed in Darfur for far too long and to help to bring about a long-term political settlement in the Darfur crisis. We should use our diplomatic power as effectively as we can to help bring a solution to each of these problems.

Notwithstanding all of this, an arrest warrant has been issued for Bashir by the ICC for war crimes in Darfur. He should do the right thing and face those charges.

- Daily Nation